Senegal: Anti-LGBT crackdown threatens hard-won gains against HIV

Article translated from French with Deepl.com

The West African country, which has been swept up in a wave of homophobia following two criminal cases in early February, has just adopted draconian anti-LGBT laws. An oppressive atmosphere that threatens the fight against HIV.

“We can’t eat or sleep; we’re stressed, we’re exhausted. I stay at home, I shut myself away. I switch off the television, my phone, everything,” explains Momo*, a young man whose life has become a living hell in Dakar, the capital of Senegal. On Wednesday 11 March, parliament passed a law tightening penalties against homosexuals and any organisations supporting them. The measure raises fears of a setback in the fight against HIV in this country of 34 million people, where the disease spreads mainly within this community.

The law was passed unanimously – only three MPs abstained – and was accompanied by inflammatory speeches from elected representatives. “I am speaking to the international community. Homosexuals will no longer be able to breathe in this country. Homosexuals will no longer have freedom of expression in this country,” insisted MP Diaraye Bâ.

The maximum prison sentence for “unnatural acts” has been increased from five to ten years, and the fine can now reach 10 million CFA francs (the equivalent of 13,800 Swiss francs). The bill goes further and creates two new offences: advocating for, and funding, entities and activities aimed at promoting or glorifying homosexuality, bisexuality and transsexuality. The UN has strongly condemned the new law, and Amnesty International believes the existing penalties were sufficient, says the director of the local branch, Seydi Gassama: “Five years in Senegalese prisons is an extremely harsh sentence.”

A climate of persecution and denunciation

While the law is cause for concern, the wave of homophobia had already begun in early February when two criminal cases shocked public opinion in this country, 80% of whose population is Muslim. Twelve homosexuals were arrested for unnatural acts and criminal conspiracy, including several celebrities and, notably, the television presenter Pape Cheikh Diallo. From messages to photos, investigators are tracking down gay men in the ‘network’. For weeks, arrests have been mounting – now numbering around forty – and making the headlines, sometimes with the suspects’ names and HIV status. The police have claimed that several allegedly knowingly transmitted HIV. “The police don’t know what they’re doing. The person accused of deliberate transmission might have an undetectable viral load, so they can’t transmit HIV,” protests Momo, who points out that medical confidentiality and the secrecy of the investigation have been flouted here.

The Pierre Robert case, which broke at the same time, has further fuelled public hatred. The Frenchman is alleged to have recruited Senegalese gay men to initiate vulnerable young boys into sex, film them and force them into prostitution, with a stated intention of transmitting HIV. Fourteen people have been arrested between Dakar and Kaolack. And for Seydi Gassama, the conflation is inevitable: “In the eyes of public opinion, you cannot separate these situations: unnatural acts, paedophilia, and the deliberate transmission of HIV/AIDS.”

Consequently, gay men are going into hiding or fleeing to Gambia and Mauritania to escape what some describe as the worst homophobic crisis the country has ever experienced. Papi* is not gay, but he works regularly with them through the HIV testing and support association he set up in a provincial town in central Senegal, and for this he has received threats. He has moved away because he fears for his life.

Avoiding any association with homosexuality

“For all the HIV-positive people who were taking medication, lives are now being lost; they no longer even agree to come and collect it,” he confides. Some patients even return their boxes, for fear of being identified as homosexual. The threat to the fight against HIV is real, even though Senegal is seen as a model on the continent, with prevalence reduced to 0.3% of the population. The number of deaths has been falling steadily over the last twenty years, but new infections rose during the Covid pandemic, reaching 2,979 people in 2024.

Footfall at HIV-dedicated centres has fallen, but testing has increased as many internet users post their serological results online. In this climate of stigmatisation, lists of suspected homosexuals and presidents of HIV-related associations have been shared, notably by the Islamic NGO Jamra, which provided 600 names to the gendarmerie. Online influencers, such as Idy Missionnaire, go so far as to publish people’s phone numbers, addresses and photos. “A friend of mine who is president of an association in Saint-Louis saw the gendarmerie turn up at his home to arrest him, but he fled to Mauritania,” says Papi. “I’m not going to wait for the police to come and get me. They’re hunting us down one by one.” Many organisations have shut down their websites and telephone lines, with patients becoming threatening in their demands to be removed from the registers.

The public outcry is even worrying the government, and Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko has warned against the publication of serological status in the press. Seydi Gassama, who has also been targeted by an online smear campaign, nevertheless welcomes a clause in the law introducing the offence of slanderous denunciation, now punishable by two to three years’ imprisonment and a fine of up to 500,000 CFA francs (690 francs).

«Ils sont en train de nous traquer un à un»: au Sénégal, vivre caché après le durcissement de la loi anti-homosexuels

Le pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest, entré dans une vague homophobe après deux affaires criminelles début février, vient d’adopter des lois anti-LGBT draconiennes. Une atmosphère oppressive qui menace la lutte contre le VIH.

«On ne parvient pas à manger ou à dormir, on est stressés, on est fatigués. Moi, je reste à la maison, je m’enferme. J’éteins la télévision, mon téléphone, tout», détaille Momo*, un jeune homme dont la vie est devenue un calvaire à Dakar, la capitale du Sénégal. Le parlement vient de voter, mercredi 11 mars, une loi renforçant les sanctions contre les homosexuels mais aussi, contre toute organisation les soutenant. La mesure fait craindre un recul dans la lutte contre le VIH dans le pays de 34 millions d’habitants où la maladie se propage principalement dans cette communauté.

La loi est passée à l’unanimité – seuls trois parlementaires ne se sont pas prononcés – et s’est accompagnée de discours excessifs des élus. «Je parle à l’opinion internationale. Les homosexuels ne respireront plus dans ce pays. Les homosexuels n’auront plus la liberté d’expression dans ce pays», a martelé la députée Diaraye Bâ.

De 5 ans, la peine d’emprisonnement maximale pour «actes contre nature» est passée à 10 ans et l’amende peut maintenant atteindre 10 millions de francs CFA (l’équivalent de 13 800 francs suisses). Le texte va plus loin et crée deux nouveaux délits, celui d’apologie et celui de financement des entités et activités visant à promouvoir ou magnifier l’homosexualité, la bisexualité et la transsexualité. L’ONU a fortement dénoncé la nouvelle loi, et pour Amnesty International, les sanctions déjà en place étaient suffisantes, affirme le directeur de la section locale, Seydi Gassama: «Cinq ans dans les prisons sénégalaises, c’est une peine extrêmement sévère.»

Climat de traque et de délation

Si la loi inquiète, la vague d’homophobie avait déjà commencé début février lorsque deux affaires criminelles ont choqué l’opinion publique dans ce pays à 80% musulman. Douze personnes homosexuelles ont été interpellées pour actes contre nature et association de malfaiteurs, dont plusieurs célébrités et, notamment, l’animateur de télévision Pape Cheikh Diallo. De messages en photos, les enquêteurs traquent les homosexuels du «réseau». Depuis des semaines, les arrestations se multiplient, aujourd’hui une quarantaine, et font la une des journaux, parfois avec le nom et le statut sérologique des suspects. La police a affirmé que plusieurs auraient sciemment transmis le VIH. «La police ne maîtrise pas ce qu’ils sont en train de faire. La personne accusée de transmission volontaire, peut-être qu’elle a une charge virale indétectable donc elle ne peut pas transmettre le VIH», se révolte Momo qui souligne que le secret médical et le secret de l’enquête ont ici été bafoués.

L’affaire Pierre Robert, déclenchée au même moment, est venue attiser la haine populaire. Le Français aurait recruté des homosexuels sénégalais pour initier au sexe, filmer et prostituer de jeunes garçons vulnérables, avec une volonté affichée de transmettre le VIH. Quatorze personnes ont été arrêtées entre Dakar et Kaolack. Et pour Seydi Gassama, l’amalgame est inévitable: «Vous ne pouvez pas, aux yeux de l’opinion publique, dissocier les situations, les rapports contre nature, la pédophilie, la transmission volontaire du VIH/sida.»

Alors, les homosexuels se cachent ou s’exilent vers la Gambie et la Mauritanie pour échapper à la pire crise homophobe qu’a vécue le pays d’après certains. Papi* n’est pas homosexuel mais il travaille régulièrement auprès d’eux avec l’association de dépistage et de soutien aux malades du VIH qu’il a montée dans une ville secondaire du centre du Sénégal et pour ça, il a reçu des menaces. Il a déménagé car il craint pour sa vie.

Eviter tout lien avec l’homosexualité

«Pour toutes les personnes séropositives qui prenaient les médicaments, actuellement ce sont des pertes de vies, ils n’acceptent même plus de venir les récupérer», confie-t-il. Certains patients ramènent même leurs boîtes, par peur d’être identifiés comme homosexuels. La menace sur la lutte contre le VIH est réelle alors que le Sénégal fait figure de modèle sur le continent, la prévalence y est réduite à 0,3% de la population. Le nombre de décès est en baisse constante ces vingt dernières années mais les nouvelles infections sont remontées pendant le covid et atteignaient 2979 personnes en 2024.

L’affluence dans les centres dédiés au VIH a baissé mais les dépistages ont augmenté car de nombreux internautes affichent leurs résultats sérologiques. Dans ce climat de stigmatisation, des listes d’homosexuels présumés et de présidents d’association contre le VIH ont été partagées, notamment par l’ONG islamique Jamra qui a fourni 600 noms à la gendarmerie. Des influenceurs en ligne, comme Idy Missionnaire, vont jusqu’à donner les numéros, adresses et photos des personnes. «Un ami président d’une association à Saint-Louis a vu la gendarmerie débarquer chez lui pour l’arrêter mais il a fui en Mauritanie, raconte Papi. Je ne vais pas attendre que la police vienne me chercher. Ils sont en train de nous traquer un à un.» De nombreuses organisations ont fermé leurs sites web et leurs lignes téléphoniques, les patients se font menaçants pour être effacés des registres.

L’emballement populaire inquiète même le gouvernement, et le premier ministre Ousmane Sonko a mis en garde contre la publication des statuts sérologiques dans la presse. Seydi Gassama, lui aussi ciblé par une campagne de diffamation en ligne, salue néanmoins une clause de la loi qui introduit le délit de dénonciation calomnieuse, maintenant passible de 2 à 3 ans de prison et d’une amende jusqu’à 500 000 francs CFA (690 francs).

Senegal: Same-sex relations, now punishable by five to ten years in prison

Senegal passes law imposing harsher penalties for homosexuality in the name of combating Western influence

Translated with Deep. Scroll down for article in French.

Homophobia has reached such heights in Senegal that it has become a government priority. According to a bill passed on Wednesday, ‘unnatural acts’ will be punishable by prison terms ranging from five to ten years.

‘This is the first bill I have personally sponsored.’ On 24 February, to the applause of MPs, Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko took pride in personally initiating a bill to toughen penalties for homosexual relations in the country.

This bill was passed on Wednesday 11 March by the Senegalese National Assembly. The most symbolic measure in the new law is that it provides for ‘unnatural acts’ to be punished with five to ten years in prison, compared to one to five years currently. The maximum sentence will be imposed if the act was committed with a minor, according to the text. The law also provides for criminal penalties for the ‘promotion’ of homosexuality in Senegal.

In a country known for its tolerance in many respects, the repression of homosexuality has become a hot topic. The political calculations of the Sonko camp, which came to power in 2024 on a sovereignist platform, are in line with the concerns of a heated public opinion.

‘The Prime Minister is reacting to current events, which is normal,’ notes Thierno Alassane Sall, an opposition MP who did not vote in favour of the law – not out of concern for the rights of homosexuals, he explains, but because he considers the move to be demagogic. The elected representative refers to two group arrests carried out by the authorities in early February, which have been making headlines ever since. Fourteen people suspected of belonging to a paedophile ring with links to France and targeting young boys were arrested on 8 February. Some of the defendants are accused of knowingly transmitting HIV.

‘It’s a race to the bottom.’

A few days earlier, between 4 and 6 February, twelve other Senegalese nationals, including well-known figures such as a singer and a journalist, were arrested and accused of having homosexual relations. The HIV-positive status of some of the defendants was made public. Between the two cases, which are completely unrelated, confusion continues to reign on social media and in certain media outlets.

‘Confusion between paedophilia, homosexuality and the deliberate or accidental transmission of HIV has arisen and caused a great deal of fear and misunderstanding,’ regrets Dr Khoudia Sow, an anthropologist and specialist in the fight against AIDS. Since these two cases, arrests and attacks on people suspected of having homosexual relationships have been occurring at a steady pace. ‘These cases have led to a resurgence of mobilisation against homosexuality,’ acknowledges Thierno Alassane Sall.

Baba Dieng, a columnist in the Senegalese press, is one of the few public figures to be critical of the crackdown on homosexuality. ‘We can no longer discuss the subject calmly. It’s a race to the bottom,’ he laments. According to him, the prime minister is also acting under pressure from conservative lobbies, Jamra and And Samm Jikko Yi, which have been gaining influence since 2010 by making the fight against homosexuality their battle cry.

‘In recent weeks, even these organisations seem to have been overtaken. Online, voices are becoming even more radical. Everyone is putting forward their own proposals for homosexuals: life imprisonment, death, denial of burial…’, Baba Dieng points out.

‘These movements helped Ousmane Sonko and his party, the African Patriots of Senegal for Work, Ethics and Fraternity [Pastef], win the presidential election in 2024. It makes sense that he would make a gesture towards them,’ says Thierno Alassane Sall.

Playing the sovereignist rhetoric

Ousmane Sonko, who found allies among both progressive and conservative movements when he was in opposition, took advantage of the harsh criticism levelled by Jamra and And Samm Jikko Yi against the former regime of Macky Sall, accused of being lax towards homosexuality.

‘The law criminalising homosexuality will be one of the first I will push through,’ he promised in 2022.

The adoption of new legislation also comes at a complicated time for the government. Senegal is facing a worrying economic situation, with a budget deficit of nearly 14% of gross domestic product (GDP) and public sector debt estimated at 132% of GDP.

Many of the major promises in Pastef’s programme seem distant, such as the abandonment of the CFA franc. Tightening legislation on homosexuality allows the party to appear proactive at little cost, while continuing to play on sovereignist rhetoric.

Many Senegalese people perceive homosexuality as a Western phenomenon. Homophobic movements accuse foreign embassies and international NGOs of wanting to impose laws favourable to homosexuals.

In 2024, Ousmane Sonko himself seemed to make homosexuality a relatively important issue, emphasising that it is ‘not accepted, but tolerated’, but firmly pointing the finger at Western attempts to change Senegalese ways of ‘dealing with this reality’.

Punishing denunciations without proof

In the eyes of many Senegalese, by toughening the law on homosexuality, the Prime Minister, elected on the basis of a patriotic discourse fuelled by anti-colonialism, is standing up to the West and taking on the role of defender of values presented as Senegalese.

‘Ultimately, while homophobia activists in Senegal claim to be motivated by [Muslim] religiosity, the homophobic dynamic is highly political,’ says Baba Dieng.

On 24 February, the Prime Minister nevertheless denounced the public disclosure of people’s HIV status, which has become increasingly common on social media and in certain media outlets. While Jamra leader Mame Mactar Gueye has been threatening for several years to reveal a list of homosexuals he claims to have in his possession, the Prime Minister’s bill also plans to introduce penalties for unsubstantiated denunciations, which are rife on social media.

Ousmane Sonko also took care to emphasise the importance of continuing to allow health organisations to pursue their work against AIDS. ‘The Prime Minister wants to regain control of the issue. The hype is such that, here and there, even Pastef is accused of being close to the gay community,’ says one MP on condition of anonymity. As a result, some find the Prime Minister too timid and regret that his bill does not formally criminalise homosexuality, but merely emphasises its repression.

More than half of African countries prohibit and repress homosexuality. The death penalty is imposed in Uganda, Mauritania and Somalia. A dozen countries and territories impose penalties ranging from ten years’ imprisonment to life imprisonment, including Sudan, Kenya, Tanzania and Sierra Leone.

Le Sénégal adopte une loi réprimant plus sévèrement l’homosexualité au nom de la lutte contre l’influence occidentale

L’homophobie a atteint des sommets au Sénégal, au point de devenir une priorité gouvernementale. Selon un texte adopté mercredi, les « actes contre nature » seront punis de peines allant de cinq à dix ans de prison.

« C’est le premier projet de loi que je porte moi-même. » Le 24 février, sous les applaudissements des députés, le premier ministre sénégalais, Ousmane Sonko, s’enorgueillissait d’être personnellement à l’initiative d’un projet de loi durcissant les peines réprimant les relations homosexuelles dans le pays.

C’est ce texte qui a été adopté, mercredi 11 mars, par l’Assemblée nationale sénégalaise. Mesure la plus emblématique, la nouvelle loi prévoit de punir les « actes contre nature » de cinq à dix ans de prison, contre un à cinq ans actuellement. La peine maximale sera prononcée si l’acte a été commis avec un mineur, selon le texte. La loi prévoit également des sanctions pénales contre la « promotion » de l’homosexualité au Sénégal.

Dans un pays réputé tolérant à beaucoup d’égards, la répression de l’homosexualité s’est imposée comme un thème porteur. Les calculs politiques du camp Sonko, arrivé au pouvoir en 2024 sur un discours souverainiste, rejoignent les préoccupations d’une opinion publique chauffée à blanc.

« Le premier ministre réagit à l’actualité, ce qui est normal », remarque Thierno Alassane Sall, député de l’opposition, qui n’a lui-même pas voté en faveur de la loi – pas par souci de défense des droits des homosexuels, explique-t-il, mais parce qu’il considère que la démarche est démagogique. L’élu fait référence à deux arrestations groupées réalisées par les autorités au début du mois de février, qui défraient depuis la chronique. Quatorze personnes, suspectées d’appartenir à un réseau pédocriminel remontant jusqu’à la France et visant de jeunes garçons, ont été interpellés le 8 février. Certains prévenus sont accusés d’avoir transmis le VIH en connaissance de cause.

« C’est la course à la radicalité »

Quelques jours plus tôt, entre le 4 et le 6 février, douze autres Sénégalais, parmi lesquelles des personnalités, notamment un chanteur et un journaliste, avaient été arrêtées, accusées de leur côté d’avoir eu des relations homosexuelles. La séropositivité de certains des prévenus a été rendue publique. Entre les deux affaires, parfaitement indépendantes l’une de l’autre, l’amalgame est entretenu sur les réseaux sociaux et dans certains médias.

« Une confusion entre pédophilie, homosexualité et transmission volontaire ou involontaire du VIH est apparue et a suscité beaucoup de peur, d’incompréhensions », regrette la docteure et anthropologue Khoudia Sow, spécialiste de la lutte contre le sida. Depuis ces deux affaires, les arrestations, mais aussi les agressions de personnes soupçonnées d’entretenir des relations homosexuelles, s’enchaînent à un rythme soutenu. « Ces affaires ont entraîné un regain de la mobilisation contre l’homosexualité », reconnaît Thierno Alassane Sall.

Baba Dieng, chroniqueur dans la presse sénégalaise, est l’une des rares personnalités à se montrer critiques de la répression de l’homosexualité. « On ne peut plus discuter du sujet de manière apaisée. C’est la course à la radicalité », regrette-t-il. Selon lui, le premier ministre agit aussi sous la pression de lobbys conservateurs, Jamra et And Samm Jikko Yi, qui n’ont cessé de gagner en influence depuis 2010 en faisant de la lutte contre l’homosexualité leur cheval de bataille.

« Depuis quelques semaines, même ces organisations semblent dépassées. En ligne, des voix se font encore plus radicales. Chacun y va de sa proposition pour les homosexuels : enfermer à vie, tuer, priver de sépulture… », souligne Baba Dieng.

« Ces mouvements ont aidé Ousmane Sonko et son parti, les Patriotes africains du Sénégal pour le travail, l’éthique et la fraternité [Pastef], à remporter l’élection présidentielle en 2024. Il est logique qu’il fasse un geste envers eux », souligne Thierno Alassane Sall.

Jouer de la rhétorique souverainiste

Ousmane Sonko, qui a trouvé des alliés tant du côté de mouvements progressistes que conservateurs lorsqu’il était dans l’opposition, a profité des critiques très dures portées par Jamra et And Samm Jikko Yi contre l’ancien régime de Macky Sall, accusé d’être laxiste vis-à-vis de l’homosexualité. « La loi criminalisant l’homosexualité sera l’une des premières que je ferai voter », promettait-il ainsi en 2022.

L’adoption d’une nouvelle législation intervient aussi dans une période compliquée pour le pouvoir. Le Sénégal est confronté à une situation économique préoccupante, avec un déficit budgétaire de près de 14 % du produit intérieur brut (PIB) et une dette du secteur public estimée à 132 % du PIB.

Beaucoup des grandes promesses du programme du Pastef semblent lointaines, à l’instar de l’abandon du franc CFA. Le durcissement de la législation sur l’homosexualité permet au parti de se montrer volontariste à peu de frais, tout en continuant à jouer de la rhétorique souverainiste.

Beaucoup de Sénégalais perçoivent de fait l’homosexualité comme un phénomène occidental. Les mouvements homophobes accusent les ambassades étrangères et les ONG internationales de vouloir imposer des lois favorables aux personnes homosexuelles.

En 2024, Ousmane Sonko lui-même semblait faire de l’homosexualité un sujet d’importance relative, soulignant qu’elle n’est « pas acceptée, mais tolérée », mais pointait fermement du doigt les volontés occidentales de changer les manières sénégalaises de « gérer cette réalité ».

Punir les dénonciations sans preuve

Aux yeux de nombreux Sénégalais, en durcissant la loi sur l’homosexualité, le premier ministre, élu sur la base d’un discours patriotique nourri d’anticolonialisme, tient ainsi tête à l’Occident et endosse un rôle de défenseur de valeurs présentées comme sénégalaises. « Au final, si les militants de l’homophobie au Sénégal se prévalent de religiosité [musulmane], la dynamique homophobe est très politique », analyse Baba Dieng.

Le premier ministre a tout de même dénoncé, le 24 février, les divulgations publiques des statuts sérologiques de personnes, qui se sont multipliées sur les réseaux sociaux et dans certains médias. Alors que le leader de Jamra, Mame Mactar Gueye, menace depuis plusieurs années de dévoiler une liste d’homosexuels qu’il aurait en sa possession, le projet de loi du premier ministre prévoit aussi d’introduire des punitions pour les dénonciations sans preuve, qui vont bon train sur les réseaux sociaux.

Ousmane Sonko a aussi pris soin de souligner l’importance de continuer à permettre aux organisations de santé de poursuivre leur action contre le sida. « Le premier ministre veut reprendre la main sur le sujet. L’emballement est tel que, çà et là, même le Pastef est accusé de proximité avec la communauté gay », glisse un député sous couvert d’anonymat. Résultat : certains trouvent le premier ministre trop timoré et regrettent que son projet de loi ne criminalise pas l’homosexualité formellement, s’en tenant à accentuer sa répression.

Plus de la moitié des pays africains interdisent et répriment l’homosexualité. La peine de mort est encourue en Ouganda, en Mauritanie ou en Somalie. Une dizaine de pays et territoires prévoient des peines allant de dix ans de prison à la perpétuité, parmi lesquels le Soudan, le Kenya, la Tanzanie et la Sierra Leone.

Senegal: Rising homophobia drives patients away from HIV care and prevention services

Senegal’s LGBTQ+ community lives in fear as fight against AIDS faces setback

The country has regularly seen homophobic protest fueling assaults and public denunciations. Within this climate, organizations working to fight HIV worry that individuals will turn away from vital care and prevention services.

On February 20, Ousmane gathered a few belongings and fled his home. “Since then,” the Senegalese man said, speaking under a pseudonym, “I’ve been living in hiding, in a city I can’t name. I’m petrified. People in my neighborhood found out things about my life. They know I’m gay.” If word spreads, the man in his 30s went on, “I risk being beaten and arrested, or arrested and then beaten. I don’t see any solution other than leaving for another country as soon as I can.”

Denunciations, extortion and assaults: Over the past several weeks, people who are gay or who are suspected of being gay have faced a surge of hostility across Senegal, a country that has already been marked by regular homophobic mobilizations over the past decade.

Violence against LGBTQ+ people has escalated dramatically following the arrests in February of 14 suspected members of a pedocriminal ring targeting young boys; two days earlier, 12 men, including local media figures, were accused of homosexuality. The two cases are entirely unrelated.

Several media outlets, relying on evidence gathered by police, published the HIV status of some defendants in both cases, fueling “the conflation, already present at times in Senegal, between homosexuality and pedophilia, homosexuality and HIV positivity,” said Marane Kane, a French-Senegalese consultant and a specialist in gender issues based in France. “Since then, there has been a surge in reports of assaults, and people are living in hiding,” she stressed.

Calls for hatred

According to Free Sénégal, a support network for LGBTQ+ people, about 30 arrests have taken place since then in Dakar, Touba and Saint-Louis. “I’m afraid of everyone’s gaze. I feel like I could be denounced at any moment. I don’t eat, I don’t sleep,” explained a young man.

Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko responded to the media frenzy and, reiterating a promise made three years ago, announced on Tuesday, February 24, that he had submitted a bill to toughen sentences targeting “acts against nature” – a term that includes same-sex relations – raising the penalty to five to 10 years in prison, up from the current one to five years. The move was hailed by Mame Mactar Gueye, the influential leader of the Islamic NGO Jamra, which campaigns for the criminalization of homosexuality; his supporters, meanwhile, are demanding even harsher repression.

On TikTok and on Facebook, in videos viewed hundreds of thousands of times, influencers, including some based in Europe, have hurled condemnations at both ordinary citizens and public figures. The well-known actor Sanekh, star of the hit series Bété Bété, has been targeted. And Elimane Ndao, the Senegal correspondent for the French television channel France 24, has filed a complaint for similar reasons. To avoid being singled out, some people have even started posting proof of their HIV-negative status on social media.

Encouraged by these calls for hatred, assaults have multiplied, often taking the form of carefully planned ambushes. “He doesn’t want to talk to you, he’s too scared. I’ll tell his story for him,” said a Senegalese man living in France, describing a friend in Senegal. “He was chatting with a man on a dating app. They agreed to meet. It was a trap. He was threatened with a knife and had to hand over money to get away. Things like this happen all the time.”

The situation is alarming human rights advocates. “Gay people have become scapegoats for society. There’s the conflation with pedophilia, conspiracy theories painting them as Trojan horses for Western values, to the detriment of all local knowledge… Everything that goes wrong is blamed on them,” explained Kane. “Meanwhile, real issues like sexual violence against children are forgotten. People think they’ve done enough by cracking down on homosexuality.”

‘There’s nothing left to do but flee’

This pressure has organizations that work to fight AIDS worried that people will turn away from care and prevention services. Senegal has managed to keep HIV prevalence low (0.5% of the population in 2020). “We’re already seeing a drop in consultations. Many patients are skipping appointments, and the few who dare to come hide their identities,” said Safiatou Thiam, the executive secretary of the National Council for the Fight Against AIDS in Senegal.

After the disclosure of some citizens’ HIV status, panicked patients have asked health centers to erase their records. As for the network of community outreach workers serving at-risk populations, it has collapsed; outreach staff no longer dare ask about people’s health or try to promote prevention among a group facing such intense stigma.

In his address, Sonko insisted on the ban on sharing people’s health status. He also emphasized that the prison sentences in his bill for “promoting” so-called “acts against nature” – a provision targeting NGOs and advocacy groups that might defend the rights of gay people – should not prevent the health system from continuing its work on AIDS prevention. According to health professionals, they discreetly reached out to the government as soon as rumors emerged of a possible bill imposing harsher penalties for homosexuality.

“We can’t live in our country anymore. It’s too dangerous, there’s nothing left to do but flee,” said a young man in his 30s, his voice breaking with sobs, who spent all his savings to escape Senegal for Europe five months ago. “I can’t imagine a gay person seeking medical care in this climate.”

As for Gueye, he is showing no sign of ending his campaign. After thanking “all the TikTokers, valiant defenders of our cause,” he recently announced his intention to “tackle the scourge of lesbianism.”

Senegal: Right to defence tested in Senegal’s high-profile homosexuality and HIV criminalisation cases

The Senegalese bar facing the “file of shame”

The case involving defendants prosecuted in particular for “unnatural acts” and “voluntary transmission of HIV”, places Senegalese lawyers infant of an unprecedented ethical dilemma. According to Les Échos, while the file has nearly 40 defendants, only eight lawyers – mostly young colleagues – have agreed to constitute themselves.

According to the newspaper’s investigation, this unusual reluctance within the Senegalese bar, despite fees deemed attractive, is explained by a mixture of social pressure, religious considerations and fear of stigmatization.

Several black dresses, interviewed by the same source, recognize that the gaze of society is a major brake. One of the lawyers already constituted also confides, under anonymity:

“I don’t even want people to know that I’m in this case. It’s a very sensitive file. You hesitate several times before setting up and you even have to consult your loved ones before starting. ”

In a context where the lawyer is often assimilated to the cause he defends, some fear being labeled “the lawyer of goordjiguenes” (homosexuals) and seeing their personal image or that of their firm tainted. This apprehension is all the more strong for those who are considering a political career. As a young lawyer explains:

“There is something infamous that makes many lawyers not want their names to be associated with these facts. ”

Beyond social pressure, the religious dimension also weighs in the choices of certain councils. A lawyer anticipated to join the defense says bluntly:

“I can’t take this file. Never. When I myself read a passage from the Koran where God says it is the worst of abominations, I cannot accept. ”

For him, the proposed fees do not change his decision. He even adds:

“I don’t want this money to be used by my family. It’s money unfit for consumption. ”

In the face of these positions, other lawyers point out, however, that the right to the defence remains a fundamental principle. A dean of the bar, with more than thirty years of career, adopts a decisive position:

“Even the biggest criminal has the right to a lawyer. I took an oath to defend the widow and the orphan. If someone constitutes me and pays me accordingly, I defend him accordingly. It’s my job. ”

In the same vein, another council compares the role of the lawyer to that of a doctor:

“The lawyer defends a case, he does not defend a goordjiguène. It’s like the doctor who has a patient in his hands: he cannot refuse to treat him because of his status. ”

Some lawyers have also agreed to set up on principle, sometimes even without collecting fees. One of them explains:

“I constituted myself because I didn’t like some things that happened at the brigade that day. But I didn’t ask for any fees. ”

However, the daily interlocutor acknowledges the complexity of the file and the pressure of opinion:

“In Senegal, we are used to assimilating the lawyer to the cause he defends. “

Kyrgyzstan: Proposal to introduce mandatory HIV testing for people getting married

Deputy of the Jogorku Kenesh Nurzhamal Torobekova proposed to introduce a mandatory medical examination for those getting married due to the increase in cases of HIV infection in Kyrgyzstan, the publication “Azattyk” reports.

According to the Republican Center for the Control of Viral Hepatitis and HIV, more than 15 thousand people with a positive status are officially registered in the country. In five years, the number of identified cases has increased 1.5 times – from 10 thousand in 2020, notes edition.

Most of the infected – 60% – are people of working age. Experts record a change in the ways of transmission of the virus: at the moment the sexual route dominates, while in the past decades the main factor was injecting drug use.

Particular attention is paid to migration processes. According to the department, as of mid-2025, about 31% of all new cases of infection occur in citizens returning from work from abroad. The main flow of migration from Kyrgyzstan is directed to the Russian Federation, where, according to various estimates, from 1 to 1.2 million people with HIV live. According to the Ministry of Social Development of the Kyrgyz Republic, there are officially more than 341 thousand Kyrgyz in Russia. Often, the infection is detected after the creation of a family, when a labor migrant, not knowing about his status or hiding it, infects his partner.

Torobekova’s initiative is based on the practice of neighboring countries – Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, where future spouses are obliged to be tested for HIV, syphilis and liver disease. In these states, which are also major suppliers of labor to the foreign market, inspections for newlyweds are carried out free of charge.

Senegal: National Assembly to examine new bill that increases penalties for same-sex relations

“We find ourselves in prison alongside criminals”, a bill provides for doubling the penalties against homosexuality

The National Assembly of Senegal must examine on Wednesday, March 11, a bill to toughen the repression of homosexuality, with penalties of up to ten years in prison. This initiative comes in a climate of tension marked by arrests and criticism from human rights organizations.

The deputies of the National Assembly of Senegal will meet in plenary session on Wednesday, March 11, 2026 to examine a bill aimed at strengthening sanctions against same-sex relations. According to a document from the single chamber of Parliament received by AFP, the text provides for doubling the penalties incurred, which could reach up to ten years in prison.

The bill was made public last month by Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko. In addition to the tightening of sentences for homosexual relations, it also plans to punish anyone who “apology” homosexuality with three to seven years in prison.

A wave of arrests in recent weeks

The parliamentary debate comes in a context of increased repression against people suspected of homosexuality. In early February, 12 men, including two local celebrities, were arrested and charged with “unnatural acts”, an expression used to refer to same-sex relationships.

According to the local press, this operation was followed by a series of almost daily arrests of at least 30 people. Some would have been identified as a result of complaints or searches of their phones.

In several cases, the media published the names of the arrested persons. A practice that led the Council for the Observance of the Rules of Ethics and Deontology in the Media (CORED) to remind editorial offices of the importance of respecting “human dignity” and the “privacy of individuals”.

On the spot, the gay community lives in fear. At RTL’s microphone, El Hadj confides that he no longer dares to leave his small apartment in Dakar except to go to work. “You wake up one fine day and you hear that we have caught five people, the next day you hear that we have caught two, that’s what happens. Because of your sexual orientation you are in danger, and that should not be the case in 2026”.

A feeling he shares with his friend now living in France, who was arrested in 2021 for homosexuality. “I’ve been in prison for three months, we don’t hurt anyone. We find ourselves in prison alongside criminals,” he said on RTL’s microphone.

A sensitive subject in a very religious country

Mostly Muslim and deeply religious, Senegal widely considers homosexuality as a deviance. In some recent cases, arrested people have also been accused of deliberately transmitting HIV, which has fueled virulent anti-homosexual rhetoric.

The tightening of legislation is also an old promise of the ruling camp, politically promising in the country. For several years, very influential religious associations have been calling for more severe criminalization of homosexuality, regularly calling on the authorities to strengthen sanctions.

US: HIV criminalisation laws expose Black Americans to disproportionate arrest and prosecution rates

“Look at who’s in political control”: How HIV disclosure laws are steeped in racial bias

HIV criminalization arose in an atmosphere of fearful ignorance, disproportionately harming Black men. But activists are fighting back.

Today, 32 states have laws that criminalize people living with HIV (PLWH). These laws expose PLWH to the risk of prosecution and incarceration for engaging in consensual sexual activity while not disclosing their status. Of those states, 28 enhance criminal penalties based on an individual’s knowledge of their HIV status. In many of these states, arrests and convictions due to HIV criminalization disproportionately impact Black populations, because HIV disproportionately impacts Black populations.

A new study of 16 states by the Williams Institute shows Black Americans are more likely than any other race to be arrested and convicted for HIV-related allegations, and were arrested for HIV-related crimes at higher rates than their overall share of the population. In 64% of the states analyzed, Black Americans faced higher rates of arrest than their share of PLWH in the state. In 75% of the states, Black Americans were convicted at higher rates than their share of PLWH in the state.

Legislation criminalizing the transmission of HIV started in the 1980s, in response to events largely fueled by fear that the AIDS epidemic — which at the time was perceived as gay men’s disease, and was originally called Gay Related Immunodeficiency Syndrome (GRID) — would spread to heterosexuals. In 1987, Ronald Reagan’s Presidential Commission on the HIV Epidemic recommended that states adopt HIV-specific laws in response to rising infection rates among gay men, based on the belief that existing assault laws were too lenient to serve as a deterrent.

In 1990, the Ryan White Comprehensive AIDS Resource Emergency (CARE) Act was enacted, providing funding to states on the condition that their criminal laws addressed intentional HIV exposure and transmission.

Subsequently, flurries of punitive legislation arose amid highly publicized, sensationalized cases involving young Black men, such as that of Nushawn Williams in the late 1990s. Accused of having sex with younger women while HIV-positive, Williams pleaded guilty to reckless endangerment and statutory rape and was sentenced to 12 years in prison. He remains imprisoned after serving his sentence because the New York attorney general initiated involuntary civil commitment proceedings against him just days before his release.

“Available research confirms what we knew back then — criminal laws do not reduce HIV transmission or the behavior that causes it,” says Catherine Hanssens, the founding executive director of The Center for HIV Law and Policy.

Robert Suttle, an HIV criminalization policy expert, tells LGBTQ Nation that these laws became more about control than prevention. “HIV criminalization became a proxy to control certain populations — queer people, sex workers — especially to stop people diagnosed with HIV from having sex,” says Sutter. “It’s never worked.”

Indeed, recent studies have found that HIV criminalization laws have “no detectable prevention effect.”

Not only do HIV criminalization laws, conceived at a time when an HIV diagnosis was essentially considered a death sentence, fail as preventative measures, but they also eliminate burdens of proof and intent to do harm, which are required under criminal law.

Most of these laws only require simple exposure with the failure to disclose HIV status. Most state laws don’t require evidence of transmission or intent to harm. Several target interactions in which spit and other bodily fluids come into contact with law enforcement, correctional employees, and first responders, criminalizing behavior that has no chance of transmitting HIV.

Again, these laws — which have stood for decades — reflect a time when little was known about how HIV was spread, and a diagnosis was considered fatal.

Black bodies on trial: The case of “Tiger Mandingo”

The case of Michael Johnson, also known by his screen name “Tiger Mandingo,” illustrates many of the problems with HIV-criminalization laws and how they intersect with the historic policing of Black Americans.

Johnson, a Black gay wrestler at Linwood University in St. Charles, Missouri, was arrested in 2013 for not disclosing his HIV-positive status to six former male sex partners, four of whom were white. At the time, Missouri’s law required PLWH to inform their partners of their status, regardless of safe-sex practices. The law did not require intent to transmit or actual transmission of HIV, but only that a person was aware of their status and unable to prove that they informed their partners before engaging in sex.

Johnson faced a stacked deck before his trial even started. Of the 51 potential jurors, only one was non-white. Half said they believed being gay was a choice, and two-thirds believed it was a sin. All were straight, HIV-negative, and believed that PLWH who do not disclose to their partners deserved to be prosecuted. The final jury consisted of four white men, seven white women, and one retired Black nurse. Most of the jurors appeared to be in their 50s or 60s.

Several discrepancies arose during Johnson’s trial. Johnson maintained that he disclosed his status and that all of his partners engaged in consensual sex without condoms. Each of his partners testified that they’d asked if he was “clean” or STD-free, and that he’d assured them that he was. This contradicted what they initially told police. But the jury never heard of these discrepancies, either because his defense attorney failed to raise them or because she was overruled when she did.

Telling people that they are a potential criminal based only on a diagnosed health condition is harmful, particularly to people who have been told for centuries that they are not worthy of equal treatment under the law based on race, sexual orientation, or gender identity.”

Catherine Hanssens, executive director of The Center for HIV Law and Policy.

One partner testified that Johnson had actually infected him, but told the police he’d told Johnson he was HIV-positive when he met him. No genetic evidence linked Johnson’s strain of HIV to the virus in the other men, suggesting that they may have contracted it from someone else.

The prosecution employed stereotypical tropes. Images of Johnson’s penis — from a sex video made with one of his partners — were shown to the nearly all-white, all heterosexual, HIV-negative jury, literally criminalizing his “contagious” Black body, and reducing him to his sex organ, described in graphic, lurid detail in police reports and on the witness stand as “very large” and “too tight” for condoms.

In 2015, the jury sentenced him to 30 years for transmitting HIV without disclosure to six former sexual partners, and 30.5 years for exposing four others without disclosure, for a total of 60.5 years — a longer sentence than many convicted of involuntary manslaughter. The judge ultimately reduced the sentence to 30 years.

However, Johnson served only a fraction of his sentence. His conviction was overturned in December 2016 due to egregious prosecutorial misconduct. Johnson accepted a plea deal and was released from prison on July 7, 2019.

In 2021, Missouri reformed its HIV-criminalization law, downgrading “reckless exposure” of someone to HIV from a Class B felony to a Class D felony. Moving away from the AIDS panic of the 1980s, the law applies to all “serious infections and communicable diseases,” instead of singling out HIV. Prosecutors must now prove someone “knowingly” exposed someone to HIV.

Policing Black bodies in a culture of fear

While HIV criminalization laws were originally targeted at gay men, they represent a small number of actual arrests.

“Based on the best data available, women of color who are sex workers and Black men targeted by police or those currently incarcerated make up most of the arrests and convictions,” Hanssen says.

Hanssen also describes how HIV criminalization laws don’t necessarily impact transmission, but may discourage vulnerable communities from accessing essential resources. “As I’ve suggested, laws based on myths and misconceptions surrounding HIV will perpetuate HIV stigma,” Hanssen said.

HIV-related stigma creates real obstacles for PLWH. The behaviors often associated with acquiring HIV — such as being gay or using intravenous drugs — are still stigmatized, and confirming or disclosing one’s HIV status is still widely perceived as socially dangerous. HIV-related stigma can discourage testing and prevention practices. Individuals may fear confirming their HIV status, let alone accessing education about transmission and prevention. HIV criminalization laws increase those fears.

“But look at who’s in political control — and who controls public health and the legal system. Those systems get off the hook by shifting blame to individuals. Instead of investing money into prevention, education, and awareness, they criminalize people.”

Robert Suttle, an HIV criminalization policy expert

“Telling a newly diagnosed person they will be prosecuted as a felon if they expose another person to HIV may not discourage them from having sex,” she said, “but it might discourage them from entering and staying in health care, particularly when medical mistrust is already so high among the vulnerable populations targeted by these laws.”

This is especially true for Black Americans, among whom medical mistrust may be a deeply rooted reaction to historical exploitation by incidents like the Tuskegee experiment and ongoing systemic racism.

Suttle explains how these laws cause particular harm to Black LGBTQ+ people by creating a culture of fear. “Is the public health system or legal system helping the people they claim to protect?” he asks, “The evidence shows they’re doing more harm than good.”

“For Black people — especially Black LGBTQ+ people — HIV isn’t just a medical condition,” he says. “It’s shaped by laws, policies, and institutions that operate from a culture of fear rather than science, and from control rather than care.”

Hanssen echoes Suttle, saying, “Telling people that they are a potential criminal based only on a diagnosed health condition is harmful, particularly to people who have been told for centuries that they are not worthy of equal treatment under the law based on race, sexual orientation, or gender identity.”

“There is now plenty of evidence demonstrating how HIV criminal laws increase stigma,” says Catherine Hanssens. “These laws create a uniquely harmful, un-American legal standard and produce felony penalties rooted in lack of knowledge about HIV transmission – that alone is enough to demand their repeal.”

Reforms vs. real change

Thanks to the work of state-based organizations like Free State Justice in Maryland, Equality California, and Washington State’s HIV Justice Network, so far, eight states have taken steps to reform their HIV criminalization laws, though not all have repealed them.

California and Washington State have made the biggest changes. Now, both states require proof that someone intended to transmit HIV or actually did so before they can be convicted. They have also removed most laws that made exposure to HIV or other diseases a crime, except in some cases involving sex offenders. Intentional transmission is now a misdemeanor in California, with a maximum sentence of six months, or in Washington State, 30 days.

By comparison:

North Carolina still connects criminal liability to viral load and engagement in care.
Iowa eliminated its sex offender registry requirement and tightened up intent requirements, but added “recklessness” as a standard for liability.
Virginia reformed its bill, but retains felony-level offenses.

Beyond reforms to state laws, Suttle suggests a paradigm shift away from focusing on individuals and toward the legal and justice systems is necessary for effective change.

“In an individualistic society, if HIV is happening, it’s treated like we [PLWH] caused it,” he says. “But no single individual can cause an epidemic. Instead of addressing external factors — poverty, lack of education, lack of access to healthcare — systems punish individuals. Those conditions are by design, not because people ‘created’ HIV.”

“But look at who’s in political control — and who controls public health and the legal system. Those systems get off the hook by shifting blame to individuals. Instead of investing money into prevention, education, and awareness, they criminalize people.”

“For Black LGBTQ communities, this is a matter of survival,” Suttle says. “HIV in America today isn’t simply defined by medicine. It’s defined by whether laws and institutions will catch up with science, provide equity, and understand the reality we’re living in.”

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Terrance Heath is a longtime LGBT equality activist, writer, and award winning blogger. He lives in Chevy Chase, Maryland, with his two sons.

New Zealand: Undetectable yet prosecutable, study highlights the need for law reform

Momentum for change on HIV criminalisation

A study of people living with HIV has revealed that despite advances in HIV treatment, criminalisation continues to create uncertainty and distress, with 60% of people living with HIV fearing legal consequences and many avoiding relationships altogether.

The full study and its findings will be released at a public event on 27 February at 3 pm at the Ellen Melville Centre in Auckland, by Positive Women, Body Positive, Toitū te Ao and Burnett Foundation Aotearoa.

The study surveying 247 people living with HIV in New Zealand, highlights the urgent need for rules and practice to align with modern HIV science. Over half of participants reported anxiety about legal consequences, particularly around disclosing HIV or discussing sexual practices with healthcare service providers.

“This shows that people living with HIV want to see HIV transmission managed by Public Health authorities, and not the Police. We have one of the highest rates of HIV criminalisation per capita globally, with at least 14 prosecutions since 1993,” says Liz Gibbs CEO of Burnett Foundation Aotearoa.

“The Government’s decision to sign the U=U Call to Action at Big Gay Out 2026 is a great first step in bringing New Zealand into line with overseas best practices on how to manage HIV.”

U = U stands for Undetectable = Untransmittable (U=U). It means that a person living with HIV who is on effective treatment and maintains an undetectable viral load cannot transmit HIV to sexual partner(s).

Senegal: New bill further criminalises LGBT people as well as advocacy and funding with major implications for civil society

Government tightens repressive measures against ‘unnatural acts’: Advocacy now punishable by imprisonment

Translated with AI – Scroll down for original article in French

Adopted by the Council of Ministers, the bill amends Article 319 of the Senegalese Penal Code: broadened definition, heavier penalties and, for the first time, criminalisation of advocacy and financing of such acts. Combined with Article 139 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, this text paves the way for systematic preventive detention for anyone who publicly expresses support for or finances activities in favour of LGBT people.

The Senegalese government wants to take a significant step forward in strengthening its legislation against homosexuality. At Wednesday’s Council of Ministers meeting, a bill amending Article 319 of Law No. 65-60 of 21 July 1965 on the Penal Code was examined and adopted. This text, which must still be submitted to the National Assembly for final promulgation, has three distinct parts: clarification of the legal definition of unnatural acts, tougher penalties, and, most innovatively, the inclusion of advocacy and funding of such acts in the sanctions.

Until now, Article 319, paragraph 3, of the Penal Code, in its version resulting from Law 66-16 of 12 February 1966, provided for imprisonment of one to five years and a fine of 100,000 to 1,500,000 CFA francs for any indecent or unnatural act committed with a person of the same sex. The text was deliberately general, with some legal experts describing it as a ‘catch-all’ provision, and only targeted the perpetrator of the act. The new reform aims to clarify the legal meaning of the concept of unnatural acts, increase the applicable penalties, and, above all, cross a new threshold: punishing not only the acts themselves, but also the speech and funding that support them.

Apology and funding in the crosshairs of the law

This is the provision that has been most commented on by the legal experts consulted. By including apology and funding in the scope of enforcement, the Senegalese legislature is explicitly targeting all forms of promotion, financial support or public justification of unnatural acts, whether in writing, in images, in speech or on social media. Human rights associations, NGOs funded by international donors, journalists and even ordinary internet users sharing activist content could theoretically fall within the scope of this provision. This extension to funding is particularly significant: it directly targets health organisations that receive foreign funding for their HIV prevention programmes among homosexual populations.

Article 139 of the CCP, automatic preventive detention in ambush

This is where the legal mechanism comes into its own. Article 139 of the Senegalese Code of Criminal Procedure provides that a committal order is mandatory when the public prosecutor makes duly reasoned requests in certain categories of cases. In other words, once an offence falls under this regime and the public prosecutor’s office decides to prosecute, the investigating judge is required to place the accused in pre-trial detention even before a judgement is handed down.

If the revised Article 319 is adopted as it stands and if the offences of promoting and financing unnatural acts fall within the scope of Article 139 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, the practical result would be as follows: anyone arrested for promoting, even through a simple post on social media, or for financing activities in support of LGBT people could find themselves automatically placed in preventive detention on the simple instruction of the public prosecutor’s office. It is this link between the two texts that is of primary concern to defenders of civil liberties.

A context of renewed tensions

This reform comes at a time of heightened social tension. Since early February 2026, a case of deliberate HIV transmission in Keur Massar has led to the arrest of dozens of people, including some public figures, on charges including unnatural acts. The case, which has received widespread media coverage, has reignited the national debate on homosexuality and appears to have accelerated the government’s decision to strengthen existing legislation.

This reform echoes previous parliamentary attempts, notably the bill proposed by the And Samm Jikko Yi collective, which was rejected in 2022 due to a lack of consensus. The bill called for prison sentences ranging from five to ten years and already criminalised advocacy. The current government appears to be reviving the essence of this repressive framework, this time through a government bill, giving it greater institutional legitimacy.

Concerns about freedom of expression and press freedom

International human rights and press freedom organisations are alarmed by the potential side effects of this bill. The criminalisation of advocacy and funding, which is inherently difficult to define legally, could backfire on journalists covering these issues, researchers publishing papers, doctors raising awareness about sexual health, and even NGOs fighting HIV whose work involves addressing risky behaviour among homosexual populations and whose budgets come in part from foreign donors. Senegal was removed from the French Office for the Protection of Refugees and Stateless Persons (Ofpra) list of safe countries of origin in 2021, precisely because of the risks associated with sexual orientation.

The bill must now follow the ordinary legislative procedure before being enacted. Its final adoption is likely to spark intense debate in the National Assembly, as well as potential appeals to the Constitutional Council or international bodies. In the meantime, Article 139 of the Code of Criminal Procedure remains in the background, like a silent warning to all those who wish to speak out publicly or provide financial support for these issues.

Sénégal – Le gouvernement durcit l’arsenal répressif contre les « actes contre nature » : L’apologie désormais passible de prison

Adopté en Conseil des ministres, le projet de loi modifie l’article 319 du Code pénal sénégalais : définition élargie, peines alourdies et, fait inédit, criminalisation de l’apologie et du financement de ces actes. Croisé avec l’article 139 du Code de procédure pénale, ce texte ouvre ainsi la voie à des détentions préventives systématiques pour quiconque exprime publiquement un soutien ou finance des activités en faveur des personnes LGBT.

Le gouvernement du Sénégal veut franchir un pas significatif dans le renforcement de sa législation contre l’homosexualité. Lors du Conseil des ministres de ce mercredi, un projet de loi modifiant l’article 319 de la loi n°65-60 du 21 juillet 1965 portant Code pénal a été examiné et adopté. Ce texte, qui doit encore être soumis à l’Assemblée nationale pour promulgation définitive, comporte trois volets distincts : la précision de la définition légale des actes contre nature, le durcissement des peines encourues, et élément le plus novateur l’intégration dans les sanctions de l’apologie et du financement de ces actes.

Jusqu’à présent, l’article 319 alinéa 3 du Code pénal, dans sa version issue de la loi 66-16 du 12 février 1966, prévoyait un emprisonnement d’un à cinq ans et une amende de 100 000 à 1 500 000 francs CFA pour tout acte impudique ou contre nature commis avec une personne du même sexe. Le texte était volontairement général, certains juristes le qualifiant de « fourre-tout », et ne visait que l’auteur de l’acte. La nouvelle réforme entend clarifier ce que recouvre juridiquement la notion d’acte contre nature, alourdir les peines applicables, et surtout franchir un seuil inédit : sanctionner non plus seulement les actes, mais les discours et les financements qui les soutiendraient.

L’apologie et le financement dans le viseur de la loi

C’est la disposition la plus commentée par les juristes consultés. En intégrant l’apologie et le financement dans le champ répressif, le législateur sénégalais vise explicitement toute forme de promotion, de soutien financier ou de justification publique des actes contre nature, que ce soit par l’écrit, l’image, la parole ou les réseaux sociaux. Des associations de défense des droits, des ONG financées par des bailleurs internationaux, des journalistes et même de simples internautes partageant un contenu militant pourraient théoriquement entrer dans le champ d’application de cette disposition. Cette extension aux financements est particulièrement significative : elle cible directement les organisations de santé qui reçoivent des fonds étrangers pour leurs programmes de lutte contre le VIH au sein des populations homosexuelles.

Article 139 du CPP, la détention préventive automatique en embuscade

C’est ici que la mécanique juridique prend toute sa dimension. L’article 139 du Code de procédure pénale sénégalais prévoit que le mandat de dépôt est obligatoire lorsque le procureur de la République prend des réquisitions dûment motivées dans certaines catégories d’affaires. En d’autres termes, dès lors qu’une infraction visée entre dans ce régime et que le parquet décide de poursuivre, le juge d’instruction est tenu de placer l’inculpé en détention provisoire avant même qu’un jugement ne soit rendu.

Si l’article 319 révisé est adopté en l’état et si les délits d’apologie et de financement des actes contre nature intègrent le champ d’application de l’article 139 du CPP, le résultat pratique serait le suivant : toute personne interpellée pour avoir fait la promotion, même par un simple post sur les réseaux sociaux, ou pour avoir financé des activités en faveur des personnes LGBT pourrait se retrouver placée en détention préventive automatique sur simple instruction du parquet. C’est cette articulation entre les deux textes qui préoccupe au premier chef les défenseurs des libertés.

Un contexte de tensions ravivées

Cette réforme intervient dans un contexte de vive tension sociale. Depuis début février 2026, une affaire de transmission volontaire du VIH à Keur Massar a conduit à l’arrestation de plusieurs dizaines de personnes, dont certaines personnalités publiques, sous des chefs d’inculpation incluant les actes contre nature. L’affaire, fortement médiatisée, a relancé le débat national sur l’homosexualité et semble avoir accéléré la décision gouvernementale de renforcer la législation existante.

Cette réforme fait écho à des tentatives parlementaires antérieures, notamment la proposition de loi du collectif And Samm Jikko Yi, rejetée en 2022 faute de consensus, qui demandait des peines allant de cinq à dix ans d’emprisonnement ferme et qui criminalisent déjà l’apologie. Le gouvernement actuel semble reprendre l’essentiel de cette architecture répressive, en la portant cette fois par la voie d’un projet de loi gouvernemental, lui conférant une légitimité institutionnelle plus solide.

Des inquiétudes sur la liberté d’expression et la liberté de la presse

Des organisations internationales de défense des droits humains et de la presse s’alarment des effets de bord potentiels de ce texte. La criminalisation de l’apologie et du financement, par nature difficile à délimiter juridiquement, pourrait se retourner contre des journalistes traitant de ces sujets, des chercheurs publiant des travaux, des médecins sensibilisant à la santé sexuelle, ou encore des ONG de lutte contre le VIH dont le travail implique d’aborder les comportements à risque au sein des populations homosexuelles et dont les budgets proviennent en partie de bailleurs étrangers. Le Sénégal avait d’ailleurs été retiré en 2021 de la liste des pays d’origine sûrs par l’Ofpra français, précisément en raison des risques liés à l’orientation sexuelle.

Le projet de loi doit à présent suivre la procédure législative ordinaire avant d’être promulgué. Son adoption définitive soulèvera vraisemblablement des débats intenses à l’Assemblée nationale, ainsi que de potentiels recours devant le Conseil constitutionnel ou des instances internationales. En attendant, l’article 139 du Code de procédure pénale reste en toile de fond, comme un avertissement silencieux adressé à tous ceux qui souhaiteraient s’exprimer publiquement ou apporter leur soutien financier à ces questions.

New Zealand: Government backs U=U, opening door to reform of HIV non-disclosure laws

Burnett Foundation Aotearoa welcomes the Government’s decision on U=U

Associate Health Minister Doocey’s decision to sign the U=U declaration today is a critical step on the road towards zero locally acquired HIV transmissions in Aotearoa New Zealand.

“The U=U message helps increase testing, treatment adherence, and viral suppression rates, but most importantly, it increases the confidence and dignity of people living with HIV. It’s proof that science and compassion walk hand in hand,” says Liz Gibbs, CEO of Burnett Foundation Aotearoa.

This decision makes New Zealand the 5th country to sign the multinational U=U Call to Action, behind Australia, Canada, the USA, and Vietnam.

“Currently people living with HIV may face prosecution under the Crimes Act for HIV non-disclosure to their sexual partners (unless they are using a condom), even if they are on treatment with an undetectable viral load and therefore pose zero risk of transmission. With the Government’s official endorsement of U=U, it gives the Police, Courts and government departments the backing required to modernise outdated guidelines and policies, so they are in-keeping with the latest science.” says Gibbs.

This is a significant step forward that many across the HIV and sexual health community have been advocating for several years, and we are thrilled to see it finally come to pass.