Russia: Foreigners to undergo medical examination within 30 days of entering Russia.

The Council of Federation approved the law on mandatory medical examination of migrants

Translated with Deepl. Scroll down for original article in Russian

On 3 June 2026, the Federation Council approved a law requiring foreign nationals to undergo a medical examination within 30 days of their arrival in the Russian Federation.

The procedure includes testing for HIV, infectious diseases posing a danger to others, and the use of psychoactive substances without a doctor’s prescription.

The costs of the examinations are to be borne by the foreign nationals themselves or by their employers. The examinations will be carried out only by authorised medical organisations, the list of which will be approved by regional governors. Medical institutions are prohibited from delegating their powers to conduct examinations and issue reports to third parties.

The results of the examinations will be recorded electronically and sent to the federal register within 24 hours. The data will be automatically forwarded to the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Rospotrebnadzor via the inter-agency cooperation system.

A similar procedure for notifying the authorities will apply if dangerous diseases or evidence of drug use are detected during the provision of any other medical care.

The law will come into force on 1 September 2026.

3 июня 2026 года Совет Федерации утвердил закон, который обязывает иностранных граждан проходить медосвидетельствование в течение 30 суток со дня прибытия в РФ.

Процедура включает проверку на ВИЧ-инфекцию, инфекционные заболевания, представляющие опасность для окружающих, а также на употребление психоактивных веществ без назначения врача.

Расходы на проведение осмотров ложатся на самих иностранцев либо на их работодателей. Обследования будут проводить только уполномоченные медицинские организации, перечень которых утвердят главы регионов. При этом медучреждениям запрещено передавать свои полномочия по проведению осмотров и оформлению заключений третьим лицам.

Результаты обследований будут формироваться в электронном виде и в течение 24 часов направляться в федеральный реестр. Данные автоматически передадут в МВД и Роспотребнадзор через систему межведомственного взаимодействия.

Аналогичный порядок информирования ведомств будет действовать, если опасные заболевания или факты употребления наркотиков выявят при оказании любой другой медпомощи.

Закон вступит в силу с 1 сентября 2026 года.

Europe’s HIV response cannot succeed without migrant health equity

Europe debates migration, but ignores migrant health

By Tamara Prinsenberg & Daniel Reijer – AHF Europe

Migration dominates political debate across the continent. Governments argue about borders, asylum systems, returns, integration, and security. Election campaigns are built around it. Entire ministries are dedicated to it. Yet one issue remains largely absent: access to healthcare.

This is no marginal issue. Many migrants in Europe still struggle to access even the most basic HIV and STI services.

At AIDS Healthcare Foundation (AHF) Europe, we work with migrants, refugees, undocumented people, labour migrants, international students, and other vulnerable communities across several European countries.

Every day, our teams and partners provide frontline HIV and STI services designed to reach people who would otherwise be excluded. Many of these services are multilingual, community based, anonymous, and specifically designed to reduce fear and stigma. In 2025, AHF Europe provided HIV prevention, testing and linkage-to-care services to more than 28,000 migrants.

For many migrants, accessing healthcare in Europe is far from straightforward. Some do not understand the language used in clinics or hospitals. Others are unsure whether they are legally entitled to care. Some fear that seeking healthcare could negatively affect their migration status. Others simply do not know where services exist or how to navigate an healthcare system that can already be difficult for citizens themselves.

From a public health perspective, this simply makes no sense. Viruses do not care about residency permits or asylum procedures. HIV does not distinguish between documented and undocumented people. If people are pushed away from prevention, testing, and treatment services, infections are diagnosed later, transmission risks increase, and healthcare systems ultimately face higher costs.

Excluding migrants from healthcare does not protect public health; it undermines it. And yet, across Europe, barriers remain everywhere.

The scale of the issue is reflected in the latest ECDC data. In 2024, migrants accounted for more than 55% of new HIV diagnoses in the EU/EEA, up from 38.3% in 2015. Many migrants also acquire HIV after arriving in Europe, highlighting the need for accessible testing and prevention.

AHF Europe recently conducted a comparative analysis of migrants’ access to HIV and STI services across the nine European countries where AHF operates, including countries in both the EU and Eastern Europe. None fully guaranteed comprehensive access to care, and practical barriers including language, stigma, administrative requirements, and lack of information were identified across all countries reviewed.

Some countries have relatively strong legal frameworks on paper. But reality looks very different once someone tries to navigate the system. Can you access testing without health insurance? What documents do you need? Is interpretation available? Will seeking care affect your migration process? Can undocumented people safely access treatment? Who explains any of this?

These questions matter enormously in practice, and what we see repeatedly is that community organisations often become the bridge between migrants and healthcare systems that are difficult to navigate, even for citizens.

Across Europe, AHF supports community based and low threshold services, including checkpoints, multilingual testing, and outreach programmes that help migrants access care. These approaches are essential because healthcare is not only about services, but about trust. And right now, that trust is fragile.

That fragility risks becoming even worse under parts of the EU’s increasingly punitive migration agenda. Proposed changes to EU return and migration policies risk creating an environment where undocumented migrants become even more afraid to access healthcare services because of fears around surveillance, detention, deportation, or data sharing between institutions.

This is not a theoretical concern: when healthcare systems become entangled with migration enforcement, people disappear from care. Fear of detection pushes people further underground, weakening public health and eroding trust in healthcare systems, while placing healthcare workers in situations where medical ethics risk colliding with migration enforcement priorities. This is not just a migrant issue; it is a public health issue.

Taken together, this exposes a deeper contradiction in Europe’s current political direction. Since COVID-19, European leaders have repeatedly emphasised preparedness, resilience, and health security, highlighting the importance of early detection, strong public health systems, and rapid responses to infectious diseases. The EU has invested heavily in strengthening its health security architecture and improving preparedness for future pandemics. At the same time, however, parts of Europe’s migration policies risk pushing vulnerable communities further away from healthcare systems altogether.

Europe cannot claim to prioritise early detection and prevention while supporting policies that make people afraid to seek care. You cannot build resilient health systems while creating environments where undocumented people fear that visiting a clinic could expose them to detention or deportation. Europe should have learned this lesson already during COVID-19: health systems are only effective when people trust them enough to use them. If migrants avoid testing or treatment because healthcare systems are perceived as connected to migration enforcement, everyone becomes more vulnerable.

Across Europe, migration is increasingly discussed through the language of crisis and control. Health easily disappears in that political climate. Migrants are often portrayed as a burden on healthcare systems, even though excluding people from early prevention and care almost always creates worse health outcomes and higher long-term costs.

The solutions themselves are not particularly complex. We know what works: multilingual services, low threshold community testing, peer outreach, culturally competent care, and partnerships with civil society organisations. But these approaches require political commitment and sustained funding, not temporary pilot projects that disappear after two years.

The European Union has previously played an important role in coordinating HIV responses and setting common public health priorities. Renewing a strong EU HIV Action Plan, with a serious focus on migrant access and health equity, would be an important step forward.

Europe cannot seriously claim to pursue health equity while some of the most vulnerable people on the continent still face barriers to basic HIV and STI services. Migrant health is public health. When migrant health is neglected, public health fails us all.

Mauritius: Mauritius deports HIV-positive care worker despite anti-discrimination laws

Translated with Deepl. For original article in French, please scroll down

A Madagascan worker living with HIV in Mauritius: Deported the day after her moving testimony at the Candlelight Memorial

The reading of her poignant testimony had moved the crowd at the International AIDS Candlelight Memorial, held on 17 May at the Caudan Waterfront. The solidarity expressed and the appeals made were in vain. For the very next day, the woman we shall call Fandja was deported to Madagascar because she is living with HIV. Neither her professionalism nor her impeccable conduct could save her from what she feared so much. But despite anti-discrimination laws, Mauritius continues to apply this highly discriminatory and controversial measure.

“I am not asking for pity. I am simply asking for the right to live, to work and to receive treatment like a human being,” was the message she conveyed in her testimony at Caudan on Sunday evening. The moving account of this 45-year-old Malagasy worker was read out in the hope of countering this measure, which is still being applied by the Mauritian authorities. Having tested positive for HIV in Mauritius, she feared that her status would be disclosed: “The day that happens, I risk losing everything: my job, my healthcare, my stability, my dignity. My family will also lose its sole breadwinner. I will be deported and repatriated like a criminal. I have seen other compatriots of mine suffer this fate. Back home, how will I explain this sudden return? How will I face the stares, the shame, the humiliation? How will I support my family?”

This is precisely what happened to her the following day. “Around 10 am, my boss called me. He took me to the bank so I could collect my money and drove me to where I was living so I could collect some of my personal belongings. It was only at the airport that he told me he’d received a call from the authorities saying I was HIV-positive and that I had to be sent away immediately. ”

“It would break my parents’ hearts to learn that I’ve been deported because I’m living with HIV”

Feeling caught up in a whirlwind, she had left behind a large part of her belongings. “Just before take-off, I called my mother to tell her I was coming home that very evening. I told her I was coming for a few days’ unplanned holiday to rest. I’ll never be able to tell her the truth. My parents are old and ill. I’d come to Mauritius to help them get by. It would break their hearts to learn that I’ve been deported because I’m living with HIV,” says Fandja from Antananarivo.

“I’m at a loss; I don’t know what to do. My priority is to continue my treatment and reassess my plans. It’s very difficult for me.” Until then, everything had been going well for this woman who had been working in a care home for several years. “In Mauritius, every day, I wash, I feed, I help frail people to get up, to eat, to live with dignity. I look after Mauritian parents and grandparents as if they were my own. Every month, I send money to my family back in Madagascar. Children and loved ones depend on me to survive,” she said in her testimony at the Candlelight Memorial.

This 21st edition was organised by around twenty organisations in collaboration with the National Agency for Drug Control (NADC) with the aim of paying tribute to those who have died from HIV-related causes and supporting those affected and infected. The plight of foreign workers and students deported from Mauritius because of HIV was one of the issues highlighted. Hence Fandja’s testimony.

In his address, Nicolas Ritter, founder of PILS, emphasised: “Stigma has not disappeared. It has simply changed its face. It is sometimes more polite, more silent, but just as cruel as ever.” ’ Speaking after Fandja’s testimony had been read out, he added: ‘Earlier, we heard the voice of a woman who could not be with us this evening. And her absence alone speaks volumes. She could not come and take this microphone. She could not show her face. Because in Mauritius in 2026, speaking publicly about one’s HIV status—especially as a foreign worker—still means risking everything.”

Several advocacy campaigns and discussions had already been initiated with the authorities to counter this regressive measure. Moreover, it is at odds with more recent laws (the HIV & AIDS Act, the Equal Opportunities Act, the Workers’ Rights Act) which condemn any discriminatory measure or sanction against people living with HIV. Internationally, the implementation of this measure negatively impacts Mauritius’s image, as the country is seen as one of those still practising such discrimination.

“My treatment is working. I’m fine. I can’t infect anyone. I’m still working, loving and living.”

When Fandja arrived in Mauritius a few years ago, her HIV test was negative. She was then granted a work permit. She later learnt that her partner had been unfaithful to her, which prompted her to take an HIV test at the start of the year. “When the result came back, I thought I was going to die right there and then. I was HIV-positive. For days, I couldn’t sleep. Several times, I thought about suicide. I wondered if my life still had any meaning. Even today, I’m still battling depression. But I started my treatment straight away. I was supported. I’m still fighting. Today, my treatment is working. I’m doing well. I can’t infect anyone. I’m still working, loving, living,” she said in her testimony.

Everything started to unravel when her employer told her that all staff had to take another HIV test. “We hadn’t been consulted. We weren’t asked for our consent. We weren’t given any guarantees of confidentiality. All this despite the fact that the laws in Mauritius were written to protect anyone living with HIV. Refusing could mean losing our jobs.” From that moment on, her fear was that the authorities would disclose her status to her boss despite the prohibitions. That is precisely what happened.

Candles for those “whom Mauritius refuses to welcome and protect”

Nicolas Ritter points out: “Mauritian law protects people against forced testing and against discrimination based on HIV status. This law must be enforced. For everyone, Mauritians and non-Mauritians alike. And let us remember one thing. Our country has been built, generation after generation, by those who came from elsewhere. We are all, in one way or another, descendants of migrants. From India, Africa, Europe, Asia. So how can we close our doors to people who come here to work? And worse still: how can we close them because of their HIV status? A country is not judged solely by its economic growth. It is also judged by the way it treats the most vulnerable.”

As every year, the Candlelight vigil ended with the lighting of candles, accompanied by the evening’s anthem, Enn Lalimier, sung by Éric Triton. On the eve of Fandja’s deportation, Nicolas Ritter declared: “Tonight, we are lighting candles for those we have lost. But also for those whom Mauritius still refuses to fully welcome or still refuses to protect. For this woman whose voice has been heard tonight.”

A few hours later, she was deported.

A legally contradictory measure

The practice of mandatory HIV testing for foreign workers in Mauritius is based primarily on the Immigration Act 2022, which allows for the exclusion from the territory of persons suffering from infectious or communicable diseases, as well as on the Non-Citizens (Employment Restriction) Act 1970, which makes the granting of a work permit conditional upon the presentation of a favourable medical certificate. Although HIV is not explicitly mentioned in the law, administrative procedures effectively require a screening test.

However, this requirement appears legally tenuous in light of the Mauritian legal framework and the country’s international commitments. The HIV and AIDS Act 2006 expressly prohibits any discrimination based on actual or presumed HIV status, particularly in the field of employment, whilst the Equal Opportunities Act 2008 also protects people living with HIV against discrimination in the workplace.

Although the Constitution does not explicitly mention health status among the prohibited grounds for discrimination, a challenge could be based on the fundamental rights guaranteed by Article 3 as well as on the international conventions ratified by Mauritius, notably the ICERD, the ICESCR, ILO Convention No. 111 and Recommendation No. 200 on HIV and the world of work. These international instruments consider mandatory HIV testing for the purpose of excluding individuals from employment or residence to be incompatible with the principles of non-discrimination and respect for human rights.

Travailleuse malgache vivant avec le VIH à Maurice : Déportée au lendemain de son témoignage qui avait ému le Candlelight

La lecture de son témoignage poignant avait ému la foule présente à l’International AIDS Candlelight Memorial, organisé le 17 mai au Caudan Waterfront. La solidarité exprimée et les appels lancés ont été vains. Puisqu’au lendemain même, celle que nous surnommerons Fandja a été déportée vers Madagascar parce qu’elle vit avec le VIH. Ni son professionnalisme ni son attitude irréprochable n’ont pu la sauver de ce qu’elle redoutait tant. Mais malgré les lois contre la discrimination, Maurice continue à appliquer cette mesure hautement discriminatoire et controversée.

« Je ne demande pas la pitié. Je demande simplement le droit de vivre, de travailler et de me soigner comme un être humain », tel avait été le message lancé dans son témoignage au Caudan, dans la soirée du dimanche. Le récit émouvant de cette travailleuse malgache de 45 ans avait été lu dans l’espoir de contrer cette mesure encore appliquée par les autorités mauriciennes. Dépistée positive au VIH sur le sol mauricien, elle craignait que son statut ne soit divulgué : « Le jour où cela arrivera, je risque de tout perdre : mon travail, mes soins, ma stabilité, ma dignité. Ma famille perdra aussi son seul soutien. Je serai expulsée du territoire et rapatriée comme une criminelle. Cela, j’ai vu d’autres de mes compatriotes subir ce sort. Au pays, comment ferai-je pour expliquer ce soudain retour ? Comment vais-je affronter les regards, la honte, l’humiliation ? Comment ferai-je pour faire vivre ma famille ? »

C’est précisément ce qui lui est arrivé le lendemain. « Vers 10h, mon patron m’a appelée. Il m’a conduite à la banque pour que je récupère mon argent et m’a conduite là où je vivais pour que je récupère une partie de mes effets personnels. C’est seulement à l’aéroport qu’il m’a informée qu’il avait reçu un appel des autorités lui indiquant que j’étais positive au VIH et qu’il fallait me faire partir tout de suite. »

« Cela briserait le cœur de mes parents d’apprendre que j’ai été déportée parce que je vis avec le VIH »

Se sentant prise dans un tourbillon, elle avait laissé une bonne partie de ses affaires. « Juste avant le décollage, j’ai appelé ma mère pour lui dire que je rentrais le soir même. Je lui ai dit que je venais pour quelques jours de vacances imprévues afin de me reposer. Je ne pourrai jamais lui dire la vérité. Mes parents sont vieux et malades. J’étais venue à Maurice pour les aider à survivre. Cela leur briserait le cœur d’apprendre que j’ai été déportée parce que je vis avec le VIH », témoigne Fandja depuis Antananarivo.

« Je suis déboussolée, je ne sais pas quoi faire. Ma priorité est de continuer mon traitement et de revoir mes projets. C’est très compliqué pour moi. » Jusqu’alors, tout allait bien pour cette femme engagée dans une maison de retraite depuis quelques années. « À Maurice, chaque jour, je lave, je nourris, j’aide des personnes fragiles à se lever, à manger, à vivre avec dignité. Je prends soin de parents, de grands-parents mauriciens comme si c’étaient les miens. Chaque mois, j’envoie de l’argent à ma famille restée à Madagascar. Des enfants, des proches comptent sur moi pour vivre », disait son témoignage lors du Candlelight Memorial.

Cette 21e édition avait été organisée par une vingtaine d’associations en collaboration avec la National Agency for Drug Control (NADC) dans le but de rendre hommage aux personnes décédées de causes liées au VIH et de soutenir les personnes affectées et infectées. Le sort des travailleurs et étudiants étrangers déportés de Maurice à cause du VIH avait été l’un des sujets mis en avant. D’où le témoignage de Fandja.

Dans son allocution, Nicolas Ritter, fondateur de PILS, avait fait ressortir : « La stigmatisation n’a pas disparu. Elle a changé de visage. Elle est parfois plus polie, plus silencieuse, mais toujours aussi cruelle. » Intervenant après la lecture du témoignage de Fandja, il ajoutait : « Nous avons entendu plus tôt la voix d’une femme qui n’a pas pu être parmi nous ce soir. Et son absence, à elle seule, dit déjà beaucoup. Elle ne pouvait pas venir prendre ce micro. Elle ne pouvait pas montrer son visage. Parce que dans le Maurice de 2026, témoigner publiquement de sa séropositivité, surtout quand on est une travailleuse étrangère ou un travailleur étranger, c’est encore risquer de tout perdre. »

Plusieurs actions de plaidoyer et des discussions avaient déjà été lancées avec les autorités pour contrer cette mesure rétrograde. Elle est, de surcroît, en porte-à-faux avec des lois plus récentes (HIV & AIDS Act, Equal Opportunities Act, Workers’ Rights Act) qui condamnent toute mesure discriminatoire ou toute sanction contre les personnes vivant avec le VIH. À l’international, l’application de cette mesure impacte négativement l’image de Maurice, considérée comme l’un des pays pratiquant encore cette discrimination.

« Mon traitement fonctionne. Je vais bien. Je ne peux infecter personne. Je continue à travailler, à aimer, à vivre »

Quand Fandja était arrivée à Maurice il y a quelques années, son test de dépistage était négatif. Elle avait alors obtenu son permis de travail. Elle avait plus tard appris que son compagnon lui avait été infidèle, ce qui l’avait encouragée à faire un test de dépistage au début de l’année. « Quand le résultat est tombé, j’ai cru mourir sur place. J’étais séropositive. Pendant des jours, je n’ai plus dormi. Plusieurs fois, j’ai pensé au suicide. Je me suis demandé si ma vie avait encore un sens. Aujourd’hui encore, je lutte contre la dépression. Mais j’ai commencé immédiatement mon traitement. J’ai été accompagnée. Je continue à me battre. Aujourd’hui, mon traitement fonctionne. Je vais bien. Je ne peux infecter personne. Je continue à travailler, à aimer, à vivre », disait son témoignage.

Tout a commencé à basculer lorsque son employeur lui a annoncé que tout le personnel devait refaire un test VIH. « Nous n’avions pas été consultés. On ne nous a pas demandé notre consentement. On ne nous a donné aucune garantie de confidentialité. Tout cela alors même que les lois à Maurice ont été écrites pour protéger toute personne vivant avec le VIH. Refuser pourrait signifier perdre notre travail. » À partir de ce moment, sa crainte était que les autorités communiquent son statut à son patron malgré les interdictions. C’est précisément ce qui s’est passé.

Des bougies pour celles et ceux « que Maurice refuse d’accueillir et de protéger »

Nicolas Ritter le rappelle : « La loi mauricienne protège les personnes contre le dépistage forcé et contre la discrimination fondée sur le statut VIH. Cette loi doit être appliquée. Pour tous et toutes, Mauriciens ou non-Mauriciens. Et rappelons-nous une chose. Notre pays s’est construit, génération après génération, avec celles et ceux qui sont venus d’ailleurs. Nous sommes tous, d’une manière ou d’une autre, des descendants de migrations. Venus d’Inde, d’Afrique, d’Europe, d’Asie. Alors comment pouvons-nous fermer nos portes à des personnes qui viennent travailler ici ? Et pire encore : comment pouvons-nous les fermer à cause d’un statut sérologique ? Un pays ne se juge pas uniquement à sa croissance économique. Il se juge aussi à la manière dont il traite les plus vulnérables. »

Comme chaque année, le Candlelight a pris fin par l’allumage des bougies, accompagné de l’hymne de la soirée, Enn Lalimier, chanté par Éric Triton. À la veille de l’expulsion de Fandja, Nicolas Ritter déclarait : « Ce soir, nous allumons des bougies pour celles et ceux que nous avons perdus. Mais aussi pour celles et ceux que Maurice refuse encore d’accueillir pleinement ou refuse encore de protéger. Pour cette femme dont la voix a été portée ce soir. »

Quelques heures après, elle était déportée.

Une mesure légalement contradictoire

La pratique du dépistage obligatoire du VIH pour les travailleurs étrangers à Maurice repose principalement sur l’Immigration Act 2022, qui permet d’exclure du territoire les personnes atteintes de maladies infectieuses ou transmissibles, ainsi que sur le Non-Citizens (Employment Restriction) Act 1970, qui subordonne l’obtention d’un permis de travail à la présentation d’un certificat médical favorable. Bien que le VIH ne soit pas explicitement mentionné dans la loi, les procédures administratives imposent en pratique un test de dépistage.

Cependant, cette exigence apparaît juridiquement fragile au regard du cadre légal mauricien et des engagements internationaux du pays. La HIV and AIDS Act 2006 interdit expressément toute discrimination fondée sur le statut sérologique réel ou présumé, notamment dans le domaine de l’emploi, tandis que l’Equal Opportunities Act 2008 protège également les personnes vivant avec le VIH contre les discriminations professionnelles.

Bien que la Constitution ne mentionne pas explicitement le statut de santé parmi les motifs de discrimination interdits, une contestation pourrait s’appuyer sur les droits fondamentaux garantis par l’article 3 ainsi que sur les conventions internationales ratifiées par Maurice, notamment l’ICERD, le PIDESC, la Convention n°111 de l’OIT et la Recommandation n°200 sur le VIH et le monde du travail. Ces instruments internationaux considèrent le dépistage obligatoire du VIH à des fins d’exclusion de l’emploi ou du séjour comme incompatible avec les principes de non-discrimination et de respect des droits humains.

Russia: 83 migrants with HIV and other infectious diseases deported from the Nizhny Novgorod region in 2025

83 migrants with dangerous diseases who lived in the Nizhny Novgorod region were expelled from Russia in 2025. 49 of them, according to the Department of Internal Affairs of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia in the region, left the country on their own. This became known from the report of the regional Rospotrebnadzor.

In total, 57,616 foreigners, most of them are citizens of Uzbekistan, passed the medical examination last year. Specialists identified 84 patients with infectious diseases. 31 people were infected with HIV, 29 with tuberculosis, 24 with syphilis.

Rospotrebnadzor issued 24 decisions on the deportation of HIV-patient migrants who do not have close Russian relatives, as well as 30 decisions on the expulsion of tuberculosis patients and 29 decisions on syphilis patients.

However, such conclusions can be appealed. In 2025, the office considered eight applications for suspension of the decision on the undesirability of stay. Four of them were a positive verdict. In addition, ten applications for the cancellation of the decision on the undesirability of stay were received, and all were satisfied.

Kazakhstan: Access to HIV treatment in Kazakhstan for citizens and foreigner

In Kazakhstan, HIV treatment is officially free, the state provides patients with antiretroviral therapy (ART). But in practice, access to treatment depends on a person’s status: whether he has citizenship or a residence permit. Kursiv Lifestyle figured out how everything works and what to do in different situations.

How can citizens of Kazakhstan get ART:

  • First you take an HIV test. If the result is positive, you will be referred to an infectious disease specialist or a specialist of the center:
  • Next, you need to contact the AIDS center and report your result. The doctor conducts additional examinations and offers to register;
  • Registration is issued and you officially become a patient of the center;
  • After that, the doctor selects a treatment regimen. Antiretroviral drugs are given free of charge through the center, and the patient begins regular therapy.

Where to get tested for HIV for free and anonymously? You can take the test free of charge at the polyclinic by attachment or at the AIDS Center. Private medical centers also provide this service, but for a fee.

If complete anonymity is important, it is better to go to the AIDS Center or a private laboratory. In case of anonymous contact, no documents are required, you will be assigned a number known only to you.

Another anonymous way is to order a free express home test through the website hivtest.kz. This can be done today in 5 cities: Almaty, Astana, Karaganda, Ust-Kamenogorsk and Pavlodar.

Testing is included in the guaranteed amount of free medical care. This means that it can be passed even without registration or documents.

Where to register? To get therapy, you need to register at the AIDS center, they are in every major city. It is through this system that drugs are prescribed and issued.

This usually happens in the same institutions where testing is carried out – regional centers and polyclinics.

You can find out the address of the AIDS center in your city on the website of the Kazakh Scientific Center of Dermatology and Infectious Diseases.

What should I do if I don’t register in the system? The lack of registration complicates the process, but does not make it impossible. In any case, you can take the test for free and anonymously. Problems begin at the registration stage, as the system usually requires IIN or attachment to a polyclinic.

There are options: temporary attachment to the polyclinic or registration through the AIDS center itself. If there are refusals, it is recommended to apply again or to another center – decisions are often made individually.

What should foreigners do

The situation depends on the status of stay in the country. Foreigners with a residence permit (residence permit) have the same rights as citizens of Kazakhstan. They can get tested, register and receive therapy for free.

If there is no residence permit? If a person is in the country temporarily (under the RWP), he is entitled to free tests and consultations, but free ART is not guaranteed by law. But there is international donor funding and NGOs through which some people receive therapy or emergency support.

Then the person needs to contact the nearest AIDS Center as soon as possible and clarify whether it is possible to get into the donor program. The main source of such assistance is the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. As of December 9, 2025, 225 people living with HIV in Kazakhstan received ART at the expense of a Global Fund grant.

For help, you can contact NGOs and patient organizations. Community Friends work with HIV migrants in Almaty. They give pre-exposure therapy, put citizens from Central Asia on the remote registration, help and accompany to the AIDS center, where you can get treatment for foreign citizens, advise on adherence to ART, legal and social issues. In emergency cases, you can get a supply of ART for 1-2 months through them. For example, if a person is “stuck” in another country and cannot leave.

We managed to contact Oksana Ibragimova, a senior case manager of the Community friends. She confirmed the information about grants for ART and told about the program for citizens of neighboring countries.

“At the moment, non-citizens of Kazakhstan can apply to any AIDS center and receive therapy on a grant from the Global Fund. In addition, now we have a program for citizens of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan: they can send their tests to their homeland, they will be registered there and send medicines to Kazakhstan. Thus, the treatment is carried out at the expense of their native country,” says Ibragimova.

For HIV-positive travelers and migrants, Oksana recommended the website vputi.org, where you can find out information about the laws of different countries regarding HIV and access to therapy.

If a person has been denied treatment, there is a risk of interruption of therapy or problems with tests, you can leave an appeal on the Pereboi platform – you will need to fill out a small form on the website to contact the consultant, there are no contact numbers. You can also contact the Kazakhstan Union of People Living with HIV for advice and routing – the contact number and mail are in the “contacts” section of the website itself.

Important clarification: HIV status does not restrict entry into the country and does not prevent obtaining a residence permit, it was excluded from the list of diseases with which it is impossible to enter the country back in 2011.

Где гражданам и иностранцам с ВИЧ получить терапию в Казахстане 

В Казахстане лечение ВИЧ официально бесплатное, государство обеспечивает пациентов антиретровирусной терапией (АРТ). Но на практике доступ к лечению зависит от статуса человека: есть ли гражданство или вид на жительство. Kursiv Lifestyle разобрался, как все устроено и что делать в разных ситуациях.

Как гражданам Казахстана получить АРТ:

  • Сначала вы проходите тест на ВИЧ. Если результат положительный, вас направляют к инфекционисту или специалисту центра:
  • Далее нужно обратиться в СПИД-центр и сообщить о своем результате. Врач проводит дополнительные обследования и предлагает встать на учет;
  • Оформляется постановка на учет и вы официально становитесь пациентом центра;
  • После этого врач подбирает схему лечения. Антиретровирусные препараты выдают бесплатно через центр, и пациент начинает регулярную терапию.

Где пройти тест на ВИЧ бесплатно и анонимно? Сдать тест можно бесплатно в поликлинике по прикреплению или в СПИД-Центре. Частные медицинские центры тоже оказывают эту услугу, но платно.

Если важна полная анонимность, то лучше пойти в СПИД-Центр или частную лабораторию. При анонимном обращении документы не требуются, вам присвоят номер, известный только вам. 

Еще один анонимный способ — заказать бесплатный экспресс-тест на дом через сайтhivtest.kz. Сделать это можно на сегодня в 5 городах: Алматы, Астана, Караганда, Усть-Каменогорск и Павлодар.

Тестирование входит в гарантированный объем бесплатной медицинской помощи. Это означает, что его можно пройти даже без регистрации или документов.

Где встать на учет? Чтобы получить терапию, нужно встать на учет в СПИД-центре, они есть в каждом крупном городе. Именно через эту систему назначают и выдают препараты.

Обычно это происходит в тех же учреждениях, где проводится тестирование — региональных центрах и поликлиниках.

Узнать адрес центра СПИД в вашем городе можно на сайте Казахского научного центра дерматологии и инфекционных заболеваний. 

Что делать, если нет регистрации в системе? Отсутствие регистрации усложняет процесс, но не делает его невозможным. Пройти тест можно в любом случае бесплатно и анонимно. Проблемы начинаются на этапе постановки на учет, так как система обычно требует ИИН или прикрепление к поликлинике.

Возможны варианты: временное прикрепление к поликлинике или оформление через сам СПИД-центр. Если возникают отказы, рекомендуется обращаться повторно или в другой центр — решения часто принимаются индивидуально.

Что делать иностранцам

Ситуация зависит от статуса пребывания в стране. Иностранцы с видом на жительство (ВНЖ) имеют те же права, что и граждане Казахстана. Они могут пройти тестирование, встать на учет и получать терапию бесплатно.

Если ВНЖ нет? Если человек находится в стране временно (по РВП), ему полагаются бесплатные тесты и консультации, но бесплатная АРТ не гарантирована законом. Но есть международное донорское финансирование и НПО, через которые часть людей получает терапию или экстренную поддержку. 

Тогда человеку нужно как можно быстрее обратиться в ближайший Центр СПИД и уточнить, можно ли попасть в донорскую программу. Главный источник такой помощи — Глобальный фонд борьбы со СПИДом, туберкулезом и малярией. На 9 декабря 2025 года 225 людей, живущих с ВИЧ в Казахстане получали АРТ за счет средств гранта Глобального фонда.

За помощью можно обращаться в НПО и пациентские организации. В Алматы с мигрантами с ВИЧ работает Community Friends. Они дают доконтактную терапию, ставят на дистанционный учет граждан из Центральной Азии, помогают и сопровождаем в центр СПИД, где можно получить лечение для иностранных граждан консультируют по приверженности к АРТ, по правовым и социальным вопросам. В экстренных случаях через них можно получить запас АРТ на 1–2 месяца. Например, если человек «застрял» в другой стране и не может выехать.

Нам удалось связаться с Оксаной Ибрагимовой — старшим кейс менеджером ОФ Community friends. Она подтвердила информацию о грантах на АРТ и рассказала о программе для граждан соседних стран.

«На данный момент неграждане Казахстана могут обратиться в любой СПИД-центр, и по гранту Глобального фонда получить терапию. Кроме того, сейчас у нас действует программа для граждан Узбекистана, Таджикистана и Кыргызстана: они могут выслать свои анализы на Родину, там их поставят на учет и отправят лекарства уже в Казахстан. Таким образом лечение осуществляется за счет их родной страны», — говорит Ибрагимова.

Для ВИЧ-положительных путешественников и мигрантов Оксана порекомендовала сайт vputi.org, где можно узнать информацию о законах разных стран касательно ВИЧ и доступа к терапии.

Если человеку отказали в лечении, есть риск перерыва терапии или проблемы с анализами, можно оставить обращение на платформе Pereboi — нужно будет заполнить небольшую форму на сайте, чтобы связаться с консультантом, контактных номеров нет. Также за консультацией и маршрутизацией можно обращаться в Казахстанский союз людей, живущих с ВИЧ — контактный номер и почта есть в разделе «контакты» на самом сайте.

Важное уточнение: ВИЧ-статус не ограничивает въезд в страну и не мешает получить вид на жительство, его исключили из перечня заболеваний, с которыми нельзя въезжать в страну, еще в 2011.

Spain: Spanish officials warn of HIV treatment barriers for undocumented migrants

There are warnings that undocumented migrants in some autonomous communities are unable to access HIV treatment

Valladolid, 11 May (EFE). – The national director of the National AIDS Plan, Julia del Amo, has pointed out that around 50% of newly diagnosed HIV cases are among people born outside Spain, mostly from Latin America, and has warned that in some regions, particularly Madrid, undocumented migrants face barriers to accessing universal diagnosis and treatment.

Del Amo took part on Monday in Valladolid in the 22nd National Congress on AIDS and STIs, ‘HIV and +: health, equity and sexuality’, organised by the Spanish Interdisciplinary Society on AIDS (SEISIDA), and at a press conference she emphasised that although the virus no longer constitutes a public health emergency in Spain, ‘it remains a public health problem’.

Although the trend in Spain “is improving”, “we must be radical when it comes to infections; if we are not radical and leave pockets where the infection continues to spread, logically, if we do nothing, in five years’ time we will be much worse off than we are now”, warned Julia del Amo.

Currently, “a person who is being treated and has an undetectable viral load cannot transmit the infection”, hence the insistence that everyone should get tested and treated, although “there is a group of men from other countries, in some autonomous communities, who are not accessing universal diagnosis and treatment due to structural barriers within the healthcare system that prevent it”, said the director of the National AIDS Plan.

Data from 2024 show that around 3,300 new cases of HIV were diagnosed in Spain, half of them late-stage – another of the problems –; with 50 per cent born outside Spain, mainly in Latin America, followed by sub-Saharan Africa; with around 60 per cent of cases involving men who have sex with men, with an average age of 35.

The rate stands at 7 cases per 100,000 inhabitants, slightly above the European average, with 3.76 per 100,000 in the case of Castile and León, which recorded 90 new infections in 2024, with Burgos and Valladolid leading the way, although within the region’s low rate, Del Amo noted.

In this regard, one of the main groups at risk is currently the vulnerable population of migrants “who are being denied access due to these barriers within the healthcare system”, primarily in much of the Community of Madrid, but also elsewhere, including Castile and León, and where there is room for improvement, according to the director of the National AIDS Plan.

Julia del Amo emphasised that, nevertheless, there are extraordinary healthcare professionals and community networks of activists who ensure that treatment and diagnosis reach those who need them, albeit with a delay, and “during that delay there are transmissions that we could prevent”.

The president of SEISIDA and co-chair of the Congress, Pablo Ryan, a specialist in internal medicine at the Infanta Leonor University Hospital in Madrid, agreed with these issues regarding access for some migrants, who also lack information, and highlighted the role played by NGOs in facilitating access to treatment for this group, “filling those gaps in the system”.

HIV knows no borders, it knows no administrative barriers; it is a public health issue, both argued, and they recalled that the WHO’s target for 2030 is for 95% of people living with HIV to be diagnosed, for 95% of people living with HIV to be on treatment, and for 95% of those on treatment to be undetectable.

Based on data from 2021/2022, in Spain these targets stood at 92.5%, 97% and 90.5%, Del Amo noted.

In Spain, it is estimated that between 135,000 and 163,000 people are living with HIV; this is not just about a virus or a treatment, but about the conditions in which people live, about equity in treatment and access to testing, and about compassion and empathy, reflected Dr Pablo Ryan.

The rise in sexually transmitted infections was also addressed, which Nuria Espinosa, co-chair of the Congress and a specialist at the Infectious Diseases Unit at Virgen de Rocío in Seville, attributed, in part, to social changes in how people interact, with greater ease in having multiple partners and engaging in riskier sexual behaviour, and highlighted information and condom use as key factors.

Data on these infections show rates of 77 cases per 100,000 in 2024 for gonorrhoea, 24 per 100,000 for syphilis and 86 per 100,000 for chlamydia.

Alertan de que en algunas CCAA los migrantes sin papeles no acceden a tratamientos VIH

Valladolid, 11 may (EFE).- La directora nacional del Plan Nacional sobre el Sida, Julia del Amo, ha recordado que en torno al 50% de los nuevos casos diagnosticados de VIH son de personas nacidas fuera de España, mayoritariamente de América Latina, y ha alertado de que en algunas comunidades, en especial Madrid, los migrantes sin papeles se topan con barreras para acceder al diagnóstico y tratamiento universal.

Del Amo ha participado este lunes en Valladolid en el XXII Congreso Nacional sobre el Sida e ITS «VIH y +: salud, equidad y sexualidad», organizado por la Sociedad Española Interdisciplinaria del Sida (SEISIDA), y en rueda de prensa ha incidido en que aunque ese virus ya no supone problema de emergencia de salud pública en España, “sigue siendo un problema de salud pública”.

Aunque la tendencia en España “es a mejor”, en “las infecciones hay que ser radical y si no eres radical y dejas nichos donde esa infección se sigue transmitiendo, lógicamente si no hacemos nada en cinco años vamos a estar mucho peor de lo que estamos ahora”, ha alertado Julia del Amo.

Actualmente “una persona tratada, con carga viral indetectable, no puede transmitir la infección”, de ahí la insistencia en que todo el mundo se haga la prueba y se trate, aunque “hay un grupo de hombres de otros países, en algunas comunidades autónomas, que no están accediendo al diagnóstico y tratamiento universal por las barreras estructurales del sistema sanitario que lo impiden”, ha trasladado la directora del Plan Nacional sobre el Sida.

Los datos del 2024 recogen que en España se diagnosticaron unos 3.300 casos nuevos de VIH, la mitad tardíos -otro de los problemas-; con un 50 por ciento nacidos fuera de España, América Latina, fundamentalmente, seguida de África Subsahariana; con en torno al 60% de casos de hombres que tienen sexo con otros hombres, con 35 años de edad media.

La tasa es de 7 casos por 100.000 habitantes, un poco por encima de la media europea, con 3,76 por 100.000 en el caso de Castilla y León, que anotó 90 nuevas infecciones en 2024, con Burgos y Valladolid a la cabeza, aunque dentro de la baja tasa de la comunidad, ha referido Del Amo.

En ese sentido, uno de los principales nichos es actualmente esa población vulnerable de personas migrantes “a las que se les está negando el acceso por esas barreras del sistema sanitario”, fudamentalmente en buena parte de la comunidad de Madrid, pero también en el resto, incluida Castilla y León, y donde hay elementos mejorables, ha analizado la directora del Plan Nacional sobre el Sida.

Julia del Amo ha destacado que no obstante hay profesionales sanitarios extraordinarios y hay redes comunitarias de activistas que se aseguran que el tratamiento y el diagnóstico pueda llegar a las personas que los necesitan, pero con retraso, y “durante ese retraso hay transmisiones que podemos evitar”.

El presidente de SEISIDA y copresidente del Congreso, especialista en medicina interna del Hospital Universitario Infanta Leonor de Madrid, Pablo Ryan, ha coincidido en esos problemas de acceso de algunos migrantes, que además carecen de información, y ha destacado el papel que tienen las ONG a la hora de facilitar el acceso a los tratamientos a ese colectivo, “tapando esos huecos del sistema”.

El VIH no entiende de fronteras, no entiende de barreras administrativas, son salud pública, han defendido ambos, y han recordado que el objetivo de la OMS para el 2030 es que el 95% de las personas que tienen VIH estén diagnosticadas, que el 95% de las personas con VIH estén en tratamiento y que el 95% de las personas que están en tratamiento, estén indetectables.

Con datos del 2021/2022, en España esos objetivos estaban en el 92,5, 97 y 90,5 por ciento, ha analizado Del Amo.

En España, se estima que entre 135.000 y 163.000 personas viven con VIH, que no es solo un virus o un tratamiento, sino de las condiciones en las que viven las personas, de equidad en los tratamientos y acceso a las pruebas, de cercanía y empatía, ha reflexionado el doctor Pablo Ryan.

También se ha abordado el aumento de las infecciones de transmisión sexual, que la copresidenta del Congreso y especialista de la Unidad de Enfermedades Infecciosas de Virgen de Rocío de Sevilla, Nuria Espinosa, ha atribuido, en parte, al cambio social a la hora de relacionarse, con facilidades para tener más parejas y más relaciones de riesgo, y la información y el uso del preservativo como elementos clave.

Los datos de esas infecciones dejan tasas de 77 casos por 100.000 en 2024 en gonorrea, con 24 por 100.000 en sífilis y 86 por 100.000 en clamidea.

Russia: Migrants deported from Khanty-Mansi region over HIV and syphilis diagnoses

Translated with Deepl.com – Scroll down for original article in Russian

Syphilis and HIV among migrants have led to their deportation from the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Region

The Federal Service for the Oversight of Consumer Protection and Welfare (Rospotrebnadzor) has issued 69 decisions declaring the presence of foreign nationals in the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Region undesirable. A third of the deportations are linked to HIV, whilst the remainder relate to sexually transmitted diseases and other serious infections. The data is presented in a report by Maya Solovyova, head of the regional office of the Service, at a meeting of the district council.

“69 decisions have been made regarding the undesirability of stay, which is 3.4 times more than in 2024,” the presentation accompanying the report states. The slide also contains information that 65 migrants were found to have dangerous diseases.

33.8% were diagnosed with HIV, and 66% with syphilis. No cases of tuberculosis were recorded.

Migrants will now be vaccinated more actively against measles and meningococcal disease, and will also be screened for parasitic infections. From March 2026, the mandatory medical examination will include testing for hepatitis B and C, in addition to the existing checks for syphilis, HIV, tuberculosis, leprosy and drugs.

Сифилис и ВИЧ у мигрантов стали причинами их депортации из ХМАО

Роспотребнадзор принял 69 решений о нежелательности пребывания иностранцев в ХМАО. Треть депортаций связана с ВИЧ, остальные — с заболеваниями, передающимися половым путем, и другими неприятными инфекциями. Данные приведены в докладе главы регионального управления Службы Майи Соловьевой на заседании окружной думы.

«Принято 69 решений о нежелательности пребывания, что больше 2024 года в 3,4 раза», — указано в презентации к докладу. Также на слайде содержится информация о том, что у 65 мигрантов были выявлены опасные заболевания.

У 33,8% диагностирован ВИЧ, у 66% — сифилис. Случаев туберкулеза не зарегистрировано.

Сейчас мигрантов будут активнее прививать от кори и менингококка, а также проверять на паразитарные инфекции. С марта 2026 года обязательный медосмотр включает тестирование на гепатиты В и С, помимо уже существующих проверок на сифилис, ВИЧ, туберкулез, лепру и наркотики.

Latin America: Access to HIV Care for migrants hindered by exclusionary policies

Migration and HIV: challenges to overcome barriers

Economic and political setbacks hinder access to public health services for the HIV-positive migrant population. .

“In many countries, access to HIV prevention and treatment services for trans women is impossible due to their immigration status, and this widens the health gap ” Latin American and Caribbean Network of Trans Women , speaking on the UNAIDS podcast Latin American Dialogues: Intersectionality in the HIV Response.”The network is an organization dedicated to defending the human rights of trans women, sex workers, and trans people in situations of human mobility and migration in Latin America and the Caribbean.

What Vidal says is a summary of the times. According to the UNAIDS program, it is estimated that between 30,000 and 40,000 people in transit in the region are living with HIV. The unprecedented social and economic crisis on the continent has generated the largest flow of refugees and migrants in history. In addition to their immigration status, they face high levels of stigma, xenophobia, and racism, and limited access to healthcare.

“We’ve had to receive colleagues who come with a diagnosis, a month of antiretroviral treatment, and when it ends, we practically have to force the health authorities to support us,” Vidal continues. “And what often happens is that because they don’t have identification, they can’t access treatment so easily. Sometimes adherence is lost because we’re talking about a month, a month and a half of waiting for treatment.”.

What’s missing

Bureaucracy, especially the requirement of identity documents in the health systems of host countries, acts as a tool of exclusion that prevents access to antiretroviral therapies and viral suppression controls.

The activists consulted for this article agree: the impact of HIV on people on the move is often exacerbated by institutional mistreatment, abandonment by families, and lack of support during transit, weakening their health . But they warn, “the response to HIV is weak for the entire population. It is not exclusive to the migrant population .

Deaths from advanced infection continue to be recorded in the region, where health systems are already strained. Barriers to accessing comprehensive and sustainable care exist. There is a lack of prevention models and medication shortages. All of this contributes to the virus not being detected in time.

Setbacks in the region

Countries like Costa Rica and Argentina, which historically led the LGBT+ rights agenda, are showing signs of regression in public policy. In Costa Rica, the withdrawal of the OAS LGBT working group and the halting of sexuality protocols in schools demonstrate this setback. Despite the existence of protective laws, their lack of regulation and a climate of discrimination persist. For example, a gender identity law is still lacking, and the restrictions faced by people with HIV, despite existing laws, do not fully protect them .

In Argentina, the National Front Against HIV, Hepatitis, and Tuberculosis reported a 76% reduction in funding allocated to HIV, hepatitis, tuberculosis, and STIs. The national government transferred the responsibility for purchasing antiretroviral drugs to the provinces without providing the necessary resources or logistical support, leading to medication shortages.

“The Milei government has cut the health budget specifically for everything related to HIV prevention and treatment. There are zero prevention campaigns and zero treatment campaigns. And shortages have begun. Before, the national government provided the medication to the different districts; now, the provision has become the responsibility of each district. Sometimes, districts find that these medications weren’t included in their budget allocations or that they lack the logistical capacity to purchase them; so they run out,” explains Mariano Ruiz, executive director of Human Rights and Diversity .

She adds: “The refugees we receive are mostly Russians or people from countries that were part of the Soviet bloc. The main reason they come to us is because they ran out of HIV medication . We help them by providing guidance before they arrive in the country because they are planning their departure from Russia, where life there is unsustainable. We ask them to find out their HIV status and to start treatment if they are positive. For these refugees, the biggest challenge in accessing healthcare is the language barrier,” she explains.

Barriers to access to health

The dismantling of public systems affects the migrant population. 27% of those seeking treatment arrive in an advanced stage of HIV . Furthermore, those in an irregular situation are 70% less likely to achieve viral suppression, according to UNAIDS data

In Mexico, the transition to the IMSS-Bienestar model (a program to provide free medical care to people without social security) has created administrative barriers that violate the right to life of both migrants and internally displaced persons. The requirement of the CURP (a national identification document) is the main obstacle to accessing medications at CAPASITS (Outpatient Centers for the Prevention and Care of AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Infections, which are free, specialized health units in Mexico).

Brigitte Baltazar Lujano, coordinator of the LGBTQ+ community program at the organization Al Otro Lado in Tijuana, points out the seriousness of these omissions.

“It’s not only the external migrant population that is suffering these devastating effects. The involuntary migrant community, internally displaced persons, are also affected. Recently, there have been many changes in how the government handles health issues. It is more difficult for internally displaced persons to access their HIV medication. For people from other countries, it is twice as difficult to access these medications. This represents a very serious lack of attention from our country in this sector. The right to access medication or any other type of medical care that any human being may have is being violated.”

PrEP is not guaranteed for migrant populations

Pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) is a vital prevention tool for migrant populations. However, access to PrEP and emergency post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP) is limited by bureaucratic barriers and discrimination.

In Tijuana, access for migrants is practically nonexistent because the medication is strictly controlled by the Ambulatory Centers for the Prevention and Care of AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Infections (CAPASITS), and identification is required to obtain it, explains Brigitte Baltazar. This same requirement for identification exists in Costa Rica.

“If a migrant arrives after being sexually abused, the health system’s response is usually, ‘Wait three months, get tested, and if you test positive, then we’ll start antiretroviral medication.’ This adds to all the bureaucracy involved in starting treatment. In other words, there is no emergency PEP available for undocumented people, and that leaves them at absolute risk ,” Brigitte explains.

In Argentina, the situation is similar for both asylum seekers and Argentinians seeking emergency medication. “The main obstacle for asylum seekers is the language barrier. Then there are all the same challenges faced by Argentinians: the lack of medication, and sometimes refusal from healthcare staff who are trying to conserve resources. It’s left to the doctor’s discretion whether they consider the person seeking it to have risky behaviors, even though, according to legislation, PrEP is a prevention strategy available only at the person’s request,” explains Mariano Ruiz.

Lack of funding and anti-immigrant policies

The region is also facing cuts in international cooperation. The withdrawal of funding from USAID , the Global Fund, and the closure of UNAIDS offices have left civil society organizations working on HIV, migration, LGBT+ rights, and other issues in a precarious situation.

“I find it so irresponsible and also very perverse that these cuts are eliminating programs when we know they did produce results and did save lives. This continues to be alarming and worrying,” says Dennis Castillo, executive director of the Institute on LGBT Migration and Refugees for Central America (IRCA Casabierta), an organization based in San José, Costa Rica.

Adding to the financial hardship are anti-immigrant rhetoric and policies. Mario Campos explains that migrants living with HIV in the United States fear deportation when seeking healthcare, and that is reason enough not to seek medical attention.

In everyday life, the stigma also manifests itself in the mistreatment by administrative and security staff in hospitals, even before they receive care. “From the moment migrants arrive at the hospital, it’s the security guard who asks which department they’re going to or their medical condition. People already feel uncomfortable and vulnerable. Once, someone told me that the guard said, ‘That’s why you have to be careful, that’s why you shouldn’t be having reckless sex.’ The stigma and discrimination that migrants suffer is serious, but if you add living with HIV, it’s extremely serious ,” says Brigitte Baltazar from Tijuana.

The community response in Mexico, Costa Rica, Argentina and the United States

Faced with the abandonment by States, grassroots organizations and independent activists have assumed the responsibility of guaranteeing services that governments omit, such as prevention campaigns, screening tests and the supply of medication.

In Mexico, the organization Al Otro Lado combats the exclusion caused by the CURP requirement by providing legal support and a physical presence in hospitals to ensure that migrants and internally displaced persons living with HIV can access services and are not discriminated against. They also manage online registrations, provide transportation, and have established partnerships with the AHF Healthcare Foundationto obtain emergency doses of medication when the government denies them.

“The Mexican State must provide what is rightfully theirs, which is access to healthcare for all people. It is a historical debt that the government owes to the migrant population to receive them and provide them with the services they are legally entitled to,” Brigitte Baltazar reiterates.

In Costa Rica, IRCA Casabierta offers a comprehensive approach that includes legal and psychological assistance, a food bank, and a computer lab for the digital regularization of migrants. Faced with cuts in international funding, the organization manages state resources to purchase preventative supplies that the health system does not provide to uninsured individuals. Dennis Castillo, executive director of IRCA Casabierta, denounces the Costa Rican government for abandoning prevention efforts, delegating this task to civil society.

In Argentina, the organization Human Rights and Diversity runs an integration center for LGBTQ+ refugees, most of whom come from Russia, Belarus, and Georgia. Due to a lack of government support to overcome administrative and language barriers, they use “social interpreters”—former beneficiaries who speak the language—to accompany patients to their medical appointments.

Activist Mario Campos connects people on the move with free clinics in Mexico, the United States, Canada, and Spain. His work focuses on combating the knowledge gap caused by the lack of comprehensive sex education, especially among migrants from Central American countries, primarily Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras. Mario believes that misinformation and the lack of comprehensive sex education are critical barriers that increase the vulnerability of people living with HIV.

Philippines challenges Oman’s HIV test requirement for Filipino travellers

DFA, Omani Embassy to meet on mandatory HIV test for Filipino travelers

MANILA — The Department of Foreign Affairs and the Omani Embassy in Manila are meeting next week on a requirement for all Filipino travelers to the sultanate to present negative HIV tests.

The DFA on Friday said it has “made strong representations” to the embassy for the removal of the policy, which is being implemented without official notice to the Philippines.

It also said that the Sultanate of Oman is “seriously” reviewing the requirement.

The DFA said the embassy had clarified that the HIV certificate “applies only to tourists availing of the visa-free entry to Oman, and not to those who were issued work visas.”

Filipino tourists bound for Oman who had applied for and were granted visas have also been required at airline check-in to submit HIV certificates before being allowed to board their flights.

The Philippine Embassy in Muscat, Oman’s capital, said earlier in the week that it had received reports of the new requirement and of Filipino passengers not being allowed to board their flights.

The embassy also said Omani authorities had not sent official notice of the new policy.

“The DFA expects a positive outcome given the good and strong relationship between the Philippines and Oman,” the department said Friday.

Senegal: Senegal’s crackdown on the LGBT+ community puts French asylum policy under pressure

Senegal: Anti-homosexuality law disrupts asylum procedures in France and influences in the Sahel region

Translated with Deepl. Scroll down for the original article in French.

Five to ten years in prison for consensual relations between adults. A few days after the law was enacted, a Senegalese asylum seeker was turned back at the French border. At least 52 arrests since February have already been reported. Fear is taking hold, departures are accelerating, and Paris finds itself facing an explosive political test.Senegal: First Conviction Under the Tougher Anti-Homosexuality Law, Growing Concerns »>Senegal: a legal crackdown with immediate effects

Adopted on 11 March 2026 by 135 out of 165 MPs, enacted on 30 March and published in the Official Gazette on 31 March 2026, the new Senegalese law doubles the penalties for same-sex relations (from five to ten years’ imprisonment) and increases fines (from two to ten million CFA francs). For the first time, it also criminalises the “promotion, support or financing” of homosexuality, bisexuality and transsexuality, making these offences punishable by three to seven years’ imprisonment and fines ranging from 500,000 to five million CFA francs.

In the official version, the text responds to a call for firmness and social cohesion. But on the ground, according to civil society sources, the trend is clear: a rise in homophobia and a wave of arrests. Since early February 2026, at least 52 people have been arrested on charges of ‘unnatural acts’ or ‘wilful transmission of HIV’. The UN, through Volker Türk, has expressed its “deep concern”, whilst Human Rights Watch has condemned this as a violation of fundamental rights. Health organisations such as AIDES are warning of a major health risk, fearing a setback for HIV prevention and testing.

France and asylum: between promised protection and procedural filters

France has long recognised persecution based on sexual orientation as grounds for asylum. As early as 2021, the Council of State had removed Senegal from the list of “safe countries”, opening the way for Senegalese nationals to undergo the standard, non-accelerated procedure. Individual stories illustrate the urgency. Assane, in his thirties, left Senegal around September 2025 following threats from his family and social rejection. He applied for asylum in France, a symbol of the quest for safety shared by many exiles, according to organisations such as STOP Homophobie, which report a rise in applications.

But protection is not automatic. In September 2025, the Toulouse Administrative Court of Appeal upheld a rejection, deeming the evidence insufficient. On 31 March 2026, at the border, the asylum application of another Senegalese man, Moussa, was refused by the Ministry of the Interior. He was returned to Istanbul on 7 April. ANAFE is critical: fears deemed “insufficiently substantiated”, questions “inappropriate and intrusive”. At the heart of the French system, a difficulty persists: how to assess personal accounts, often lacking material evidence, when the fear of being “outed” in the country of origin is precisely the main risk?

What is really at stake: rights, sovereignty and influence in the Sahel

Beyond the purely legal issue, this law has become a political marker. According to observers, it forms part of a broader movement in which cultural sovereignty and control over the social agenda are being asserted in the face of external pressures. The UN, international NGOs and health actors are challenging this on the grounds of human rights and public health. Paris faces a delicate dilemma: upholding its asylum doctrine or tightening its borders in line with national political priorities.

The regional dimension is unavoidable. In the Sahel, the competition for influence is intensifying. Debates on sovereignty – amplified by the emergence of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) – are reshaping relations with Western partners. According to recent analyses, the United States is adopting a more pragmatic approach towards the AES to revive security and economic exchanges. In this context, every domestic decision – whether concerning security or society – becomes a signal sent to both allies and critics. Where does the balance lie between national assertiveness and respect for international human rights commitments?

Direct human impact: hidden lives, heightened risks

In practical terms, fear is shifting sides: on one side, Senegalese LGBTQ+ people who are altering their daily lives – hasty moves, increased silence, severed family ties – to survive; on the other, healthcare workers and community activists who fear their actions will be equated with ‘promotion’. Under these circumstances, some people avoid healthcare facilities, delay HIV testing and expose themselves to complications. In France, the legal uncertainty faced by asylum seekers – delays, evidence requirements, interviews – prolongs their anxiety and material insecurity. How far will France go to reconcile humanity with migration control?

Clear answers to five key questions

Why is this important? Because a national law has immediate cross-border effects: exile, pressure on asylum systems, diplomatic tensions, and health risks highlighted by AIDES.

Who benefits? Political actors who champion a stance of cultural sovereignty, according to observers, and those who advocate strict migration control on this side of the Mediterranean.

Who suffers? Firstly, LGBTQ+ people targeted by penalties and social stigma; secondly, health organisations, which may be hindered; and finally, asylum services that are already overwhelmed.

Hidden consequences? A retreat in healthcare provision, more selective visa diplomacy and increased polarisation of opinion between universal rights and cultural norms.

Why now? The regional political landscape places sovereignty at the centre. The law, passed and enacted between February and March 2026, comes at a time when the balance of power in the Sahel is shifting and partners are readjusting their positions

Strategic dimension: Paris, Dakar and the power play

For Paris, every deportation or asylum grant becomes a message sent to French and West African public opinion. According to diplomatic sources, France must walk a tightrope: avoiding appearing to dictate standards whilst upholding its international commitments. For Dakar, the law embodies a choice in favour of public order and cohesion, accepted as such by its supporters, and which forms part of a discourse on sovereignty currently sweeping across the Sahel region.

At the regional level, the shift in the US stance towards the AES – described by analysts as a blend of security and economic pragmatism – confirms that the Sahel is a theatre of adjustments, not certainties. The Senegalese episode is not an isolated case: it reveals how domestic policies now influence human flows, aid, cooperation and perceptions of influence. For Mali and its neighbours, the challenge is twofold: to preserve sovereignty without triggering spirals of isolation, and to keep open channels of cooperation that are vital for security and public health.

What may follow: three scenarios

Scenario 1 – Procedural: France refines its criteria for asylum evidence, without denying protection, to manage a potential influx. Effect: a stricter but clear legal framework.

Scenario 2 – Diplomatic: a discreet dialogue takes place between Paris and Dakar, with mediation by multilateral actors, to prevent adverse health effects whilst respecting sovereign choices.

Scenario 3 – Societal: civil society adapts its community health practices to remain within the legal framework, at the risk of a decline in attendance at HIV services.

Conclusion: a fault line that transcends borders

This law is not merely found in a criminal code; it is found in lives lived in shades of grey, in airport waiting rooms, in border control offices. Between claimed sovereignty, asserted rights and human realities, the Sahel stands as a field of precarious balances. The question is no longer who is right in theory, but who will, in practice, bear the human cost of their choices.

But ultimately, one question remains: who really benefits from this situation?

Cinq à dix ans de prison pour des relations consenties entre adultes. Quelques jours après la promulgation de la loi, un demandeur sénégalais est refoulé à la frontière française. Au moins 52 arrestations depuis février sont déjà rapportées. La peur s’installe, les départs s’accélèrent, et Paris se retrouve face à un test politique explosif.

Adoptée le 11 mars 2026 par 135 députés sur 165, promulguée le 30 mars et publiée au Journal Officiel le 31 mars 2026, la nouvelle loi sénégalaise double les peines pour les relations entre personnes de même sexe (de cinq à dix ans de prison) et alourdit les amendes (de deux à dix millions de FCFA). Pour la première fois, elle criminalise aussi la « promotion, le soutien ou le financement » de l’homosexualité, de la bisexualité et de la transsexualité, assortissant ces faits de trois à sept ans d’emprisonnement et d’amendes allant de 500 000 à cinq millions de FCFA.

Dans la version officielle, le texte répond à une demande de fermeté et de cohésion sociale. Mais sur le terrain, selon des sources de la société civile, la dynamique est claire : montée de l’homophobie et vague d’arrestations. Depuis début février 2026, au moins 52 personnes ont été interpellées pour des accusations d’« actes contre nature » ou de « transmission volontaire du VIH ». L’ONU, par la voix de Volker Türk, dit sa « profonde préoccupation » et Human Rights Watch dénonce une atteinte aux droits fondamentaux. Des acteurs de santé comme AIDES alertent sur un risque sanitaire majeur, redoutant un frein à la prévention et au dépistage du VIH.

France et asile : entre protection annoncée et filtres procéduraux

La France reconnaît de longue date les persécutions liées à l’orientation sexuelle comme motif d’asile. Dès 2021, le Conseil d’État avait retiré le Sénégal de la liste des « pays sûrs », ouvrant aux ressortissants sénégalais une procédure normale et non accélérée. Des parcours individuels racontent l’urgence. Assane, trentenaire, a quitté le Sénégal autour de septembre 2025 après menaces familiales et rejet social. Il a déposé une demande d’asile en France, symbole d’une quête de sécurité partagée par de nombreux exilés, selon des associations comme STOP Homophobie qui évoquent une hausse des sollicitations.

Mais la protection n’est pas automatique. En septembre 2025, la Cour administrative d’appel de Toulouse a confirmé un rejet, estimant les pièces insuffisantes. Le 31 mars 2026, à la frontière, la demande d’asile d’un autre Sénégalais, Moussa, est refusée par le ministère de l’Intérieur. Il est réacheminé vers Istanbul le 7 avril. L’Anafé critique : craintes jugées « insuffisamment fondées », questions « malvenues et intrusives ». Au cœur du dispositif français, une difficulté persiste : comment apprécier des récits intimes, souvent sans preuve matérielle, quand la peur d’être « outé » au pays d’origine est précisément le risque principal ?

Ce qui se joue vraiment : droits, souveraineté et influence au Sahel

Au-delà de la seule question juridique, cette loi devient un marqueur politique. Selon des observateurs, elle s’inscrit dans un mouvement plus large où la souveraineté culturelle et la maîtrise de l’agenda social sont revendiquées face aux pressions extérieures. L’ONU, des ONG internationales et des acteurs de santé contestent sur le terrain des droits humains et de la santé publique. Paris est placé devant une équation délicate : assumer sa doctrine d’asile ou durcir ses frontières au gré des priorités politiques nationales.

La dimension régionale est incontournable. Dans le Sahel, la compétition d’influence s’intensifie. Les débats sur la souveraineté – amplifiés par l’affirmation de l’Alliance des États du Sahel (AES) – redessinent les relations avec les partenaires occidentaux. Les États-Unis, selon des analyses récentes, adoptent une approche plus pragmatique vis-à-vis de l’AES pour relancer les échanges sécuritaires et économiques. Dans ce contexte, chaque décision interne – qu’elle porte sur la sécurité ou la société – devient un signal adressé aux alliés comme aux critiques. Où se situe l’équilibre entre affirmation nationale et respect des engagements internationaux en matière de droits ?

Impact humain direct : vies discrètes, risques accrus

Concrètement, la peur change de camp : d’un côté, des personnes LGBTQ+ sénégalaises qui modifient leur quotidien – déménagements précipités, silence renforcé, coupures familiales – pour survivre ; de l’autre, des soignants et acteurs communautaires qui craignent de voir leurs actions assimilées à de la « promotion ». Dans ces conditions, certaines personnes évitent les structures de santé, retardent les tests VIH et s’exposent à des complications. En France, l’insécurité juridique des demandeurs – délais, preuves, entretiens – prolonge l’angoisse et la précarité matérielle. Jusqu’où la France ira-t-elle pour concilier humanité et contrôle migratoire ?

Réponses claires aux cinq questions clés

Pourquoi c’est important ? Parce qu’une loi nationale produit des effets transfrontaliers immédiats: exils, pressions sur les systèmes d’asile, tensions diplomatiques, et risques sanitaires pointés par AIDES.

À qui cela profite ? À des acteurs politiques qui valorisent une posture de souveraineté culturelle, selon des observateurs, et à ceux qui prônent un contrôle migratoire strict de ce côté-ci de la Méditerranée.

Qui en souffre ? D’abord les personnes LGBTQ+ visées par les peines et par la crainte sociale ; ensuite les associations de santé, potentiellement freinées ; enfin des services d’asile déjà saturés.

Conséquences cachées ? Le repli sanitaire, une diplomatie des visas plus sélective et une polarisation accrue des opinions entre droits universels et normes culturelles.

Pourquoi maintenant ? La séquence politique régionale place la souveraineté au centre. La loi, votée et promulguée entre février et mars 2026, intervient alors que les rapports de force au Sahel se recomposent et que les partenaires réajustent leurs postures

Dimension stratégique : Paris, Dakar et le jeu des puissances

Pour Paris, chaque refoulement ou chaque admission d’asile devient un message envoyé aux opinions publiques française et ouest-africaine. Selon des sources diplomatiques, la France doit gérer une ligne de crête : éviter d’apparaître comme prescriptrice de normes tout en maintenant ses engagements internationaux. Pour Dakar, la loi incarne un choix d’ordre public et de cohésion, assumé comme tel par ses soutiens, et qui s’inscrit dans un discours de souveraineté qui traverse aujourd’hui l’espace sahélien.

Au plan régional, l’évolution du positionnement américain envers l’AES – décrite par des analystes comme un pragmatisme de sécurité et d’économie – confirme que le Sahel est un théâtre d’ajustements, pas de certitudes. L’épisode sénégalais n’est pas isolé : il révèle comment des politiques internes pèsent désormais sur les flux humains, l’aide, la coopération et la perception d’influence. Pour Le Mali et ses voisins, l’enjeu est double : préserver la souveraineté sans enclencher de spirales d’isolement, et garder ouvertes les voies de coopération utiles à la sécurité et à la santé publique.

Ce qui peut suivre : trois scénarios

Scénario 1 – Procédural: la France affine ses critères de preuve en asile, sans renier la protection, pour gérer un éventuel afflux. Effet: une jurisprudence plus serrée, mais lisible.

Scénario 2 – Diplomatique: un dialogue discret s’installe entre Paris et Dakar, avec médiation d’acteurs multilatéraux, afin de prévenir les effets sanitaires indésirables tout en respectant les choix souverains.

Scénario 3 – Sociétal: la société civile adapte ses pratiques de santé communautaire pour rester dans le cadre légal, au risque d’une baisse de fréquentation des services VIH.

Conclusion : une ligne de faille qui dépasse les frontières

Cette loi ne se lit pas seulement dans un code pénal ; elle se lit dans des vies en clair-obscur, dans des salles d’attente d’aéroport, dans des bureaux d’instruction à la frontière. Entre souveraineté revendiquée, droits affirmés et réalités humaines, le Sahel s’impose comme un champ d’équilibres précaires. La question n’est plus de savoir qui a raison en théorie, mais qui assumera, en pratique, le poids humain de ses choix.

Mais au fond, une question demeure : à qui profite réellement cette situation ?