Livestream: Beyond Blame – Challenging HIV Criminalisation: Opening Plenary (HJN, 2018)

Welcome to BEYOND BLAME – Challenging HIV Criminalisation, live from De Balie in Amsterdam, 23 July 2018.

09:0009:10 Welcome remarks by Edwin J Bernard (HIV Justice Network) on behalf of HIV JUSTICE WORLDWIDE Followed by Laela and Naomi Wilding (The Elizabeth Taylor AIDS Foundation)

09:1009:30 The Lived Experience: What it’s like to be personally impacted by HIV criminalisation and be part of the movement to end it Facilitator: Edwin J Bernard (HIV Justice Network) With: Chad Clarke (Canada), Marama Mullen (New Zealand), Ken Pinkela (United States), Ariel Sabillon (Honduras)

09:3011:00 The Movement to End HIV Criminalisation Globally: Where Are We Now? Presentation by Edwin J Bernard (HIV Justice Network) Followed by panel and Q&A With: Kené Esom (UNDP), Diego Grajalez (CNET+ Belize), Cécile Kazatchkine (Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network), Svitlana Moroz (Eurasian Women’s Network on AIDS), Annabel Raw (Southern Africa Litigation Centre), Sean Strub (Sero Project), Omar Syarif (GNP+)

HIV criminalisation high on the agenda at AIDS 2018

Starting today, thousands of activists, scientists, media and others working in the HIV sector will descend upon Amsterdam for the 22nd International AIDS Conference (AIDS 2018).

For those of you able to be in Amsterdam make sure you don’t miss all the amazing HIV criminalisation events taking place before and during the conference.

Download and print this 2-page pdf covering the HIV criminalisation highlights (including pre-conferences, posters and Global Village events) put together by the HIV Justice Network on behalf of HIV JUSTICE WORLDWIDE.

STOP PRESS: For the first time since Edwin Cameron’s call to action at AIDS 2008 in Mexico City, HIV criminalisation is on the agenda during a main morning plenary session, ‘Breaking barriers of inequity in the HIV response’ on Tuesday 24th July.

HIV criminalisation survivor, and Sero Project Assistant Director, Robert Suttle, and KELIN’s Executive Director, Allan Maleche, will speak from 9.30am about, ‘Putting HIV science into the criminal justice system: Impacting lives’.

As well as highlighting the impact of HIV criminalisation on individuals, the session will alert AIDS 2018 delegates to the forthcoming ‘Expert Consensus Statement on the Science of HIV in the Context of Criminal Law’ that will be published on Wednesday 25 July 2018 at 3.15pm in the Journal of the International AIDS Society (JIAS).

The Expert Consensus Statement was authored by a global panel of leading scientists, supported by IAPAC, IAS and UNAIDS in consultation with HIV JUSTICE WORLDWIDE.

It is expected to be a key reference for clarifying important issues of HIV science in the context of criminal law and is aimed at expert witnesses, but likely to be useful for police, prosecutors, lawyers, judges, lawmakers and advocates.

You will be able to find out more about the Expert Consensus Statement, including what it means for HIV criminalisation advocacy, on Wednesday after 3.15pm Amsterdam time, by visiting http://www.hivjusticeworldwide.org where it will be highlighted on the front page.

And of course, we hope to see you at HIV JUSTICE WORLDWIDE’s one day conference this Monday July 23rd, Beyond Blame 2018: Challenging HIV Criminalisation.

Download the Beyond Blame 2018 final programme.

Only a few places remain, so register now if you want to attend. 

Otherwise you can watch the entire meeting live on the HIV JUSTICE WORLDWIDE YouTube channel and Tweet any comments or questions using the hashtag #BeyondBlame2018.

You can also the follow these other HIV criminalisation hashtags:

  • #HIVJUSTICEWORLDWIDE
  • #HIVCrim
  • #HIVIsNotACrime
  • #AIDS2018
  • #BringScienceToJustice
     

FOCUS ON EECA: Is Belarus the worst country in the world for HIV criminalisation?

Photo: Representatives of People PLUS at the Gomel Regional Court
Our EECA hub, the Eurasian Women’s Network on AIDS (EWNA), part of the GNP+ family, found that between January 2015 and June 2017, 128 criminal cases had been prosecuted under Article 157, Belarus’ overly broad HIV-specific criminal law.

The highest number of cases in the country were reported in the Gomel region. Between 2012 and 2016, 38 cases were reported. But in the first half of 2017 alone, at least 50 cases had been filed before the courts.

The vast majority of the cases involve people in heterosexual relationships. The law is understood and applied in a way that a person living with HIV not only has a duty to disclose, but also a duty to not place another person at risk of acquiring HIV. While some cases brought to the courts involve allegations of non-disclosure, a large number of cases are between couples of different HIV status, where both parties were aware of HIV in the relationship, and the HIV-negative partner consented to sex.

Charges are laid by the state and are regardless of the partner’s desire to prosecute and regardless of whether protective measures were taken by the person living with HIV, such as using a condom or being on treatment with a low or undetectable viral load. 

Cases typically commence when health care providers hear that an HIV-negative person is in a sexual relationship with a person living with HIV, or when a pregnancy is involved. In order to be charged, all that is required is for the person living with HIV should know their HIV status and be registered with the state for HIV services.

As per community reports, people living with HIV are not getting the proper treatment, care and support that they need because of the legal barriers that Article 157 creates in the lives of people living with HIV.

In practice, the law in Belarus keeps people who learn anonymously of their HIV status from accessing treatment, education and counselling because people in Belarus can know about their HIV status and not be registered. Without being formally aware of the presence of HIV, then a person can avoid is not criminally liable. When people face the threat of criminalisation, ignorance of the diagnosis of HIV can be the most effective legal protection. 

Crucially, people who are not registered as living with HIV with the state do not receive antiretroviral treatment and therefore endanger themselves and their sexual partners.

Building the case against criminalisation on the ground

People PLUS is a public association representing people living with HIV in Belarus.

It provides counselling to clients/patients – helping them to “correctly” answer questions and complain against forced examination during epidemiological investigations from the Ministry of Health, as well as the Ministry of Internal Affairs. This has been a positive experience with, over the past month, two refusals to initiate criminal cases.

In the Gomel region – where the highest number of cases under Article 157 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Belarus are being reported – People PLUS have held meetings with the heads of the Epidemiological Department – the “sources” of initiating criminal cases in the region.

An agreement was reached, that without violating guidelines (according to a Ministerial Agreement the Epidemiological Department has to send cases of transmission to the Ministry of Internal Affairs for further investigation), the people under investigation will be immediately provided with People PLUS contacts in order to obtain advice on how to protect themselves during an investigation.

As a result, there was a 40% decrease in the number of criminal prosecutions in the country (19 for the 1st quarter of 2018) and 49% for the Gomel region (12 for the first quarter of 2018), compared to 2017.

People PLUS notes that in the criminal laws of other countries there is the possibility of a person living with HIV to be released from criminal liability if they disclose and receive consent from another person and/or took appropriate measures to greatly reduce the risk of transmission. The application of this rule, as prescribed in the law, will protect the rights and interests of people living with HIV in Belarus. Though ultimately, this is not enough to counteract the damage to the HIV response caused by criminalisation.

A proposal on introducing similar amendments to Article 157 put forward by People PLUS was discussed at a recent meeting of the Parliamentarian Commission on Health, Physical Culture, Family and Youth Policy. The Ministry of Health of the Republic of Belarus sent a letter to the Parliament in support of the initiative. The Commission decided to submit it for discussion in the autumn session of the Parliament.

People PLUS have arranged a meeting with the Chairman of the Gomel Regional Court, S.M. Shevtsov, in order to reduce the number of ongoing cases and to get support to further changes in legislation.

Parliamentary hearings are expected to take place in Autumn 2018.

Download the EECA Regional Criminalisation Report produced by EWNA on behalf of HIV JUSTICE WORLDWIDE here

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US: Panel Discussion with advocates working towards ending HIV criminalisation

 

LINK TO VIDEO OF PANEL DISCUSSION

PANELIST BIOS

Kate Boulton is a Staff Attorney at the Center for HIV Law and Policy, where she focuses on HIV criminal law reform and the overrepresentation of people living with HIV in the criminal legal system. She has particular interest in the intersection between HIV criminalization and the criminalization of sex work, and recently spearheaded the creation of an advocacy toolkit addressing this issue. From 2007 to 2012, Kate served with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, where her work centered on migrant health and infectious disease. She earned her JD from Harvard Law School and her MPH from the University of Michigan. 

Kenyon Farrow is the senior editor with TheBody.com and TheBodyPro.com. Kenyon has a long track record working in communities impacted by HIV as an activist, writer, and strategist. Prior to joining TheBody.com, he served as U.S. & Global Health Policy director for Treatment Action Group (TAG), where he led a research project to explore the role of community mobilization in the U.S. HIV response and helped develop strategies for southern jurisdiction’s ending-the-epidemic campaigns. Kenyon has also worked on campaigns large and small, local, national, and global on issues related to criminalization/mass imprisonment, homelessness, and LGBT rights. He is the co-editor of the book Letters From Young Activists: Today’s Rebels Speak Out. His work has also appeared on websites and in publications such as The Body.com, POZ, The Atlantic, TheGrio, Colorlines, ReWire NewsThe American Prospect, and AlterNet.

Abdul-Aliy Muhammad is a Black queer poz non-binary jawn* from Philadelphia, PA. They’ve worked in the field of HIV prevention for 6 1/2 years and currently work as an organizer with the Black and Brown Workers Collective and does anti-oppression trainings with the BlaQollective. Abdul-Aliy is releasing A Flower Left To Wilt, their first poetry book, on October 26, 2018.

Robert Suttle is the Assistant Director of the SERO Project, a network of people living with HIV and allies fighting for freedom from stigma and injustice. He oversees the community outreach and education and coordinates Sero’s HIV Criminalization Survivors Network.

 

Ireland: Following first HIV-related conviction for "intentionally or recklessly causing serious harm" in Ireland, Dr Juliana Adelman reflects on the fear of contagion

 Fear of contagion clouds our thinking about the transmission of HIV

How can we treat people fairly while reducing risk to others of contracting the disease?

There is no legal obligation on a person with HIV to disclose their status, nor is there a law that provides a specific penalty for knowingly transmitting the disease. For the second time this year, this legal situation is being tested in the courts. The defendant is accused of “recklessly or intentionally causing serious harm” by transmitting HIV to two separate sexual partners.

This raises serious questions about our understanding both of HIV the disease and of personal responsibility with regard to health. Is the contraction of HIV, now a treatable long-term condition, “serious harm”? Who is at fault for contracting a disease? What does fault mean? These are very difficult questions and have vexed societies for as long as contagious diseases have circulated them. Sexually transmitted diseases bring another layer of complexity as they also involve attitudes towards sexual activity.

An interesting thing happens in my history of medicine class when we talk about sexually transmitted diseases. The students veer between contradictory positions. On the one hand, they have no sympathy for the system of Magdalene laundries and lock hospitals that incarcerated women with suspected syphilis, often against their will.

Contrasting sympathies

The students say such a system was sexist and motivated by a tendency to blame victims of disease. When we talk about HIV, however, they advocate a different position. This year, one student suggested to the class that people who are HIV-positive should be placed on something akin to a sex offender register. Everyone should know about their status and have the opportunity to avoid them. A kind of walking, permanent, lock hospital.

When I try to point out that their sympathy with syphilitic women in the past seems in stark contrast to their fear of people with HIV in the present, they are confused. How did the person get HIV they ask? Because, they say, there are ways to get the disease that are your fault and ways that are not.

In the 17th century, when syphilis was still a new and poorly understood disease, some doctors blamed women for creating the disease in their own wombs. Kevin Sienna has unearthed a wide range of sources pointing the finger of blame at women, especially women who were too overtly sexual. The “pocky steams” of the prostitute or the unfaithful wife passed the disease to unsuspecting men; no one asked how the women got it in the first place.

Patients isolated

In the 19th century, the Contagious Diseases Acts (1864 to 1869) attempted to stamp out syphilis by arresting and inspecting women suspected of prostitution. Women need not be caught in the act of soliciting sex, but only rumoured or accused. If the medical examination found symptoms of disease, the woman was confined to a lock hospital for treatment. Protests against the Act for how it treated women were immediate and loud and eventually it was repealed.

Yet societies continued to treat sexually transmitted diseases differently than other contagious diseases. Robert Koch identified the bacteria that causes tuberculosis in 1882. Transmission of the disease could be prevented by specific behaviours, including the isolation of contagious patients. Yet some public health advocates resisted efforts to make the disease “notifiable” to authorities for fear that social stigma would prevent victims from seeking treatment. While TB did carry a stigma and patients often spent months and years isolated in sanitoria, its victims elicited more sympathy than fear.

A fear of moral contagion clouds our thinking about the transmission of HIV today. Because the disease is most commonly passed through intravenous drug use and sexual intercourse, we consider it shameful and its victims at least partly responsible for their plight. But we do not distribute that blame equally: heroin addicts, African immigrants, the sexually promiscuous, prostitutes, and gay men have often carried a disproportionate amount of blame. No wonder that most people with HIV would rather keep their diagnosis a secret.

Someone diagnosed with HIV at age 20 is, with treatment, expected to live to 73. That means that there are many people living in our communities, partaking of all aspects of human life, who are HIV positive. How can we treat them fairly while also reducing the risk that others will contract the disease?

Dr Juliana Adelman lectures in history at Dublin City University

 

Final programme for Beyond Blame 2018 Now Online: Last few places available so register now!

Beyond Blame 2018: Challenging HIV Criminalisation is a one-day meeting for activists, advocates, lawyers, scientists, healthcare professionals, researchers, policymakers, and anyone else interested in working to end HIV criminalisation.

The programme includes interactive panels, keynote presentations and parallel workshops focusing on critical issues in the fight against HIV criminalisation around the world.

The final programme can be downloaded here.

With only a 200 maximum capacity, space is now very limited, so if you plan to attend you should register as soon as possible at this link: https://www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/beyond-blame-2018-registration-registration-45640621327

But don’t worry if you can’t be in Amsterdam: we will be live streaming all of the plenary sessions onto the HIV JUSTICE WORLDWIDE YouTube Channel.  (No need to register to watch online, though.) Don’t forget to subscribe ahead of time so you are alerted when we add new videos.

And you can be part of the conversation on Twitter using the hashtag #BeyondBlame2018

The meeting is being convened by the Steering Committee of HIV JUSTICE WORLDWIDE – comprising AIDS Action Europe, AIDS-Free World, AIDS and Rights Alliance for Southern Africa (ARASA), Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network, Global Network of People Living with HIV (GNP+), HIV Justice Network, International Community of Women Living with HIV (ICW), Southern Africa Litigation Centre (SALC), Sero and Positive Women’s Network – USA (PWN-USA).

Beyond Blame 2018 is supported by a grant from the Robert Carr Fund for Civil Society Networks.

You care about Criminalisation (You just don't know it yet): A site-specific project by Avram Finkelstein for Visual AIDS

YOU CARE ABOUT HIV CRIMINALIZATION (YOU JUST DON’T KNOW IT YET)* is a site-specific project by artist/activist and SILENCE=DEATH co-creator Avram Finkelstein for Visual AIDS, created for the 2018 New York City Pride March.

This past Sunday, Visual AIDS was involved in the NYC Pride March for the first time in decades, distributing over 7,500 copies of the newly commissioned artistic broadsheet project about the stakes of HIV criminalization to thousands of people along the march route.

The criminal justice system considers HIV a deadly weapon and in many states exposing someone to HIV is a crime, regardless of condom use, viral load, or actual risk of transmission.

For people living with HIV, a contentious relationship, a personal misunderstanding or even a minor infraction of the law can lead to prison sentences of over thirty years, sensationalized media coverage, and registration as a sex offender.**

Know the facts. AIDS is not over. HIV criminalization can be.

* Courtesy of HIV Is Not a Crime Flash Collective

** Courtesy of Sero Project

Visual AIDS has been deeply inspired by the significant strides made by activists working against HIV criminalization over the past several years and hope that this project will raise awareness and inspire people to take action. 

Join our efforts as we continue to advocate against HIV criminalization by distributing YOU CARE ABOUT HIV CRIMINALIZATION (YOU JUST DON’T KNOW IT YET): View, download or print the broadsheet for distribution here. 

Visual AIDS would like to sincerely thank the dozens of volunteers who joined us at the NYC Pride March this year for their energy and efforts to support the project and advocate against HIV criminalization. We also thank Avram Finkelstein for his visionary collaboration on this project.

US: North Carolina's HIV criminalisation reform protects people who are undetectable but leaves others vulnerable

In North Carolina, an HIV Criminalization Reform Bill Passed, but People Who Aren’t ‘Undetectable’ Remain at Risk

Until recently, North Carolina was one of two-dozen states that directly criminalize HIV exposure, but in a historic move this year, the state updated its HIV control measures to conform with the modern understanding of transmission risk.

North Carolina’s unique journey to HIV criminalization reform might serve as a roadmap for other advocates hoping to modernize their own state’s laws. But it hasn’t been without controversy, with some advocates taking issue with North Carolina’s new carve-out for HIV-positive people who have achieved viral suppression.

Thanks to antiretroviral treatment, people who take a pill every day are no longer capable of transmitting the virus to others, a scientific framework called “undetectable equals untransmittable” or “U=U.” North Carolina’s new rule protects that population completely, but it leaves others vulnerable to legal ramifications.

That’s a problem, some argue, because it might deepen racial disparities that already exist in prison sentences and in viral suppression. According to the Prison Policy Initiative, black North Carolinians make up only 22% of the state’s population yet account for 55% of all people in state prisons and local jails; whites comprise 65% of the state’s population but only 36% of those in state prisons or jails. When it comes to viral suppression, in North Carolina, 62% of all people with HIV are virally suppressed. But 66% of whites living with HIV in the state are undetectable, compared with 61% of blacks and 51% of Latinx people.

“These concerns are valid and need to be addressed,” says Christina Adeleke, communications and development coordinator with North Carolina AIDS Action Network (NCAAN). But addressing these “bigger system issues … is a conversation that’s way bigger than HIV criminalization.”

Adeleke and her colleagues at NCAAN were instrumental in bringing about North Carolina’s reform and presented their process for advocating for reform at the 2018 HIV Is Not a Crime Training Academy in Indianapolis. If it were up to NCAAN’s executive director Lee Storrow, he would repeal HIV criminalization laws outright. But Storrow and Adeleke both emphasize that they are working in a Southern state, where it’s tough to move the needle on HIV criminalization reform.

“We wanted to advance it as far forward as we had the capacity to, without going so far that we wouldn’t achieve anything,” explains Storrow.

“We had to be very mindful to be in lockstep with the state,” Adeleke adds. “Where we landed was as far as we could go at this point.”

According to Storrow, North Carolina now has the most progressive HIV criminal law in the South. He argues that decriminalizing behaviors for people who have achieved viral suppression is an important first step. Additionally, North Carolina’s reform contained other important changes, eliminating stigmatizing words, such as “infected” and “retarded,” and conforming with new federal rules around HIV-positive organ donation.

Now, NCAAN is hoping that North Carolina’s modernized rules will encourage people who are living in the shadows to seek treatment, knowing that they’ll be protected from prosecution if they’re able to take their medications every day.

NCAAN’S Journey

Dozens of HIV criminalization laws were passed in the 1990s and 2000s when fear of the epidemic was at an all-time high. But, today, some lawmakers are rethinking these decades-old rules in the wake of mounting evidence that they’re based on outdated science. California recently modernized its law to reduce HIV transmission from a felony to a misdemeanor — a reform advocates consider a best-case scenario. Meanwhile, other states have moved in a different direction, broadening their HIV criminalization laws to include hepatitis C and other sexually transmitted infections.

But, unlike other states, North Carolina’s HIV criminalization rules are not baked into the legal code. Instead, the rules exist as part of the state’s public health control measures, under the purview of the Commission for Public Health.

In 2017, those control measures were up for review, and NCAAN saw an opportunity to finally modernize the state’s criminalization rules. Initially, state officials only wanted to reform the control measures to include the federal HIV Organ Policy Equity Act (HOPE Act), which legalizes organ donation between HIV-positive people, said Storrow.

However, NCAAN advocated for broader reforms, arguing that the state should decriminalize condomless sex between HIV-positive couples and mixed-status couples who use pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP).

Moreover, NCAAN fought to eliminate non-disclosure prosecutions for HIV-positive people who are virally suppressed, based on the contemporary understanding that effective treatment prevents people with HIV from passing the virus to others.

It took months of meetings and many strained conversations to convince some state officials that HIV criminalization rules should be modernized. In part, that’s because many people still believe that HIV is a highly contagious death sentence.

People assume that if you are living with HIV, you are in a constant state of being able to transmit HIV to other people,” says Adeleke. “In reality, if you are on medication and in treatment and virally suppressed, it is physically not possible to do that. You can live a normal life.”

Eventually, a compromise took shape, and the new, modernized rule took effect in January 2018. Storrow says the changes made are meaningful to many North Carolinians, especially couples who are on treatment and no longer need to fear prosecution. But he also called the changes “incomplete,” asserting that there’s a long way to go in the effort to completely decriminalize HIV in his state.

Adeleke hopes North Carolina’s journey can be a model for other Southern states that must balance the desire for radical reform against the backdrop of conservative-leaning leadership.

Adeleke recommends that other advocates working in the South familiarize themselves with specific legislation and public health laws in their own states.

“See who specifically is in charge of making certain decisions; you may find you have allies waiting in certain parts of government who can help you move this along,” she adds.

In North Carolina, the majority of people on the HIV reform task force were people living with HIV, Adeleke says.

“The process was inspiring because it showed how a community can take ownership of a particular topic that’s really affected them,” she says. “To be able to achieve the result we did was exciting.

Sony Salzman is a freelance journalist reporting on health care and medicine, who has won awards in both narrative writing and radio journalism. Follow Salzman on Twitter: @sonysalz.

Published in the Body on June 25, 2018

 

Canada: The treatment of people living with HIV at the hands of Canada Supreme Court perpetuates stigma and fear

Our Highest Court’s Position On HIV Disclosure Is Steeped In Stigma

It perpetuates fear through a set of decisions that force those living with HIV to disclose their status, even if the risk of transmission is non-existent.

Canada’s reputation as a caring and progressive society has been tarnished by how the nation’s highest court has stigmatized people living with HIV. And, as recent court battles show, the supreme court rulings aren’t just charged and stigmatizing, they are also on shaky legal ground.

During an impassioned lecture at the University of Calgary recently, celebrated human rights advocate and HIV activist Justice Edwin Cameron, of South Africa’s highest court, described the treatment of those living with HIV at the hands of the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) as a “uniquely Canadian monstrosity.

“Worldwide, despite antiretroviral treatment, about one million people die of AIDS annually. Many of them, roughly but accurately expressed, are dying of stigma,” said Cameron, who was diagnosed with HIV in 1986. His struggle with the virus, and his advocacy work, formed part of his best-selling memoir, Witness To AIDS.

Stigma, he argued, is “a social brand of judgment, an imprint of contempt and ostracism” that perpetuates silence and shame, and even fear of diagnosis, meaning too many people are not accessing the treatment that can restore their health.

The Supreme Court of Canada, charged Cameron, has served to perpetuate that fear with a set of decisions that imposed a legal duty on those living with HIV to disclose their status to partners even if they are receiving antiretroviral treatment, which reduces the virus to virtually undetectable levels.

“Canada has a dubious distinction. After the United States and Russia and eastern European countries,” said Cameron. “It has prosecuted more cases, it has put more people in prison for simple non-disclosure of HIV infection, than any other country. It lags behind only a handful of jurisdictions in absolute numbers of convictions.”

And all the prosecution, which results from non-disclosure being treated in Canada as a criminal offence, is doing more harm than good, according to the Community, AIDS, Treatment, Information Exchange (CATIE), a Canadian group that promotes good practices for treatment and prevention programs for those living with HIV and hepatitis C.

CATIE points out there is zero evidence to show criminal penalties deter participation in behaviours that present risk of transmission. But prosecution is effective in deterring people from getting tested, while giving the public a false sense of security that criminal prosecutions will somehow protect them, Cameron pointed out. CATIE has recorded at least 184 instances of criminal charges in Canadian cases of non-disclosure.

“How can it be that Canada places so injurious a brand mark of stigma on people living with HIV, more so than many other western countries,” stated Cameron.

At the heart of it lie two supreme court decisions — (R v.) Currier and (R v.) Mabior.

‘Rape with no rapist’

Henry Currier of B.C. was charged with aggravated assault for not disclosing his HIV to two women with whom he had consensual, unprotected sex. Neither of his partners contracted the virus but the Supreme Court ruled his failure to disclose his condition constituted fraud, thus negating consent.

“The result was rape with no rapist, but instead only a sexual partner with a medical condition that was neither communicated, nor transmitted to the other partner,” said Cameron. The decision, “punished those with HIV solely for having HIV and for not disclosing it.”

“In doing so (R. v.) Currier created a new monster legal category of aggravated assault with no assault, except emotional exposure to an infectious disease, and no aggravation, except judicial enforcement of societal condemnation of the accused person’s conduct… in not disclosing his infection.”

“This criminal category, the most expansive, judicially created doctrine targeting HIV on the planet, is a uniquely Canadian monstrosity.

The issue of HIV non-disclosure returned to the Supreme Court in 2012 with R. v. Mabior.

Clato Mabior stood trial on 10 counts of aggravated assault involving nine women and was sentenced in 2008 to 14 years for not disclosing his status. Mabior was receiving antiretroviral treatment at the time and none of his partners contracted HIV.

Cameron said the court failed to take into account established medical evidence of the efficacy of antiretroviral treatment and HIV transmission. Furthermore, other people living with more communicable and deadly diseases are not bound to disclose.

“From a moral point of view, Mr. Mabior, like Mr. Currier, are unappealing. But it is not the court’s task to yield to moralism or to invent overbroad criminal doctrines to enforce it.”

Published in the HuffPost on June 14, 2018

US: The criminal law is falling behind, ignoring advances in HIV science

Fighting for HIV justice

Writer and advocate Olivia Ford argues that the modern realities of living with HIV are being overlooked by the criminal justice system.

Advances in global HIV prevention, care, science, and treatment in recent years — and the potential benefits to the lives of people living with, at risk of acquiring and affected by HIV— are astounding. Effective HIV treatment has made healthy and normal lifespans a reality for millions of people living with HIV across the globe, and treatment and human rights advocates continue to work to secure access to these lifesaving treatments for everyone living with HIV.

The science is clear: When taking effective anti-HIV medication, a person living with HIV cannot transmit the virus to a sexual partner. If they are pregnant, the chance that their baby will acquire HIV during birth can drop to less than one percent.

Even without being on treatment or using a condom or other barrier, HIV is difficult to transmit. And if HIV transmission occurs, the person acquiring HIV has a serious but manageable disease and can expect to live a normal lifespan with adequate treatment. Yet these soaring advances — which have saved and extended countless lives — have all-too-often been misunderstood, misrepresented, or ignored within criminal justice systems the world over.

So what is HIV criminalisation?

HIV criminalisation is a term that describes the unjust use of the criminal law (or similar laws, such as public health, civil and/or administrative law) to punish and control the behaviour of people living with HIV based on their HIV status. Behaviour in these cases is most often consensual in nature.

This can happen through HIV-specific criminal statutes, or by applying general criminal laws governing offences such as assault (including sexual assault), reckless endangerment, or even attempted murder, to instances of potential or perceived exposure to HIV. Use of the law in this way ignores robust and widely available scientific and medical evidence related to HIV and its transmission, and to the realities of living with HIV in the modern era of the epidemic.

HIV criminalisation is a growing, global phenomenon. However, it seldom receives the attention it ought to, considering not only that it undermines the HIV response by compromising public health and the human rights of people living with and affected by HIV, but also that there is no evidence of any benefit from these laws.

In many instances, laws that criminalise HIV are exceedingly vague or broad — either in their wording, or in the way they have been interpreted and applied. This opens the door to a host of potential human rights violations against people living with HIV.

Usually these laws are used to prosecute individuals who are aware they are living with HIV and allegedly did not disclose their HIV status prior to sexual relations (HIV non-disclosure); are perceived to have potentially exposed others to HIV (HIV exposure); or are thought to have transmitted HIV (HIV transmission). The laws are often enacted, and applied, based on myths and misconceptions about HIV transmission — as well as stigma against communities living with or affected by HIV.

Some of these laws allow prosecution for acts that constitute no, or a vanishingly low, risk of HIV transmission: spitting, biting, scratching, oral sex, sex with condoms or a low viral load. In many countries a person living with HIV who is found guilty of other “crimes” — notably, but not exclusively, sex work, or someone who spits at or bites law enforcement personnel during their arrest or incarceration — often faces enhanced sentencing even when HIV exposure or transmission was impossible, or virtually impossible.

Two significant problems with most HIV criminal laws and prosecutions are that they typically focus on proof of HIV disclosure, rather than on whether a person had any intent to do harm or whether a perceived harm (i.e., transmission) actually occurred; and felony punishments and severe sentences sometimes treat any level of HIV exposure risk as the equivalent of murder, manslaughter, or rape with a weapon — a patently false and dangerous equivalency. One key aim in reforming HIV criminal laws can be to challenge these two problems by advocating for the corresponding core legal principles that convictions must require proof that the person intended to do harm; and the degree of punishment must be closely related to the level of harm.

As of February 2018, HIV Justice Worldwide estimates that 68 countries currently have laws that specifically allow for HIV criminalisation; including the 29 individual states in the United States with such laws raises the total to 97 jurisdictions. Other jurisdictions have non-specific laws that are still used to criminalise people living with HIV. Prosecutions for HIV non-disclosure, exposure, and transmission have been reported in 69 countries — 116 jurisdictions, including 38 US states and the US military. HIV-related cases can be challenging to track — even more so in countries where such information is not freely available. Therefore, it is impossible to determine an exact number of HIV-related criminal cases for every country in the world.

Much of what is known about individual cases comes from media reports. Mainstream media plays a significant role in reinforcing a society’s prejudices, and HIV criminalisation is just one lens for witnessing that insidious process. Because HIV criminalisation stories may involve salacious details of “sex, drugs, and crime,” media outlets may use dramatic headlines highlighting those details to grab attention in busy media markets. The images and language used in these stories increase the notoriety of specific defendants, and can serve to further marginalise and target individuals who are already members of vulnerable groups.

Where do the criminalisation laws come from?

The world’s first HIV-related prosecutions, and eventually HIV-specific laws, occurred in the mid-late 1980s, when HIV was truly a death sentence for millions of people who acquired the virus. These legal actions grew out of lack of control of the epidemic and widespread ignorance about the nature of HIV transmission. Their enactment was also driven by stigmatising myths of “intentional HIV transmitters” fed by mainstream media reports that often exploited other forms of bias, such as anti-black racism and homophobia.

The number of countries enacting such laws has increased in the decades since, even as powerful HIV drugs became available which dramatically lengthened lifespans for those with access to them, and reduced to zero the risk of HIV transmission from those taking them. Sub-Saharan Africa had no HIV-specific laws when the 21st century began; now nearly half the countries on the continent have a mechanism for prosecuting people living with HIV. This trend has also been presenting in high-income countries in recent years.

Who do these laws target?

Under these overly broad statutes, virtually anyone who is living with HIV could be prosecuted. Laws that criminalise people living with HIV disproportionately affect communities that already face undue levels of policing, incarceration, and human rights abuses — including people of colour; sex workers; women, inclusive of transgender women; and people living at the intersections of these identities.

These laws are often framed as protecting women “victims” from dishonest partners. But laws that criminalise HIV exposure do not protect women. Women living with HIV may face violence if they disclose their HIV status, but risk arrest and prosecution if they do not disclose — or they do disclose, but their partner claims they did not. Many women have been arrested or sent to prison based on accusations by former partners who used HIV criminal laws as a tool of harassment or control, often after the woman attempted to end the relationship.

Because women may be more likely than men to engage with sexual and reproductive healthcare due to pregnancy, women are often the first person in a relationship to be tested for HIV and to know their HIV-positive status. Even just an allegation of being the one to “[bring] HIV into the home” or simply an accusation of non-disclosure that leads to an encounter with the criminal system, can result in a woman losing her housing, property, child custody, and more, creating negative repercussions for her entire family.

Most laws require only that a person knew their HIV status for a successful prosecution. This effectively punishes a person living with HIV for the health-seeking action of knowing their HIV status, and can result in a “he said/she said/they said” battle in court, in which the person who knows their HIV-positive status usually loses.

HIV criminalisation is at odds with public health objectives, such as UNAIDS’ 90-90-90 goals for ending epidemic HIV. Anecdotal evidence as well as several analyses have suggested that fear of prosecution may deter people — especially those from communities highly vulnerable to acquiring HIV — from getting tested and knowing their status, because laws apply mainly to those who are aware they are living with HIV. HIV criminalisation can also block access to HIV care and treatment, undermining counselling and the relationship between people living with HIV and healthcare professionals, because medical records can be made publicly available and used as evidence in court.

There is no evidence that HIV criminalisation laws deter behaviour that can transmit HIV, or reduce the number of new HIV cases. Further, by making it illegal for a person with HIV to have sex without disclosing their status, HIV criminalisation delivers the inaccurate message that all people with HIV are inherently dangerous, and that an adequate prevention strategy is to rely on partners to disclose and avoid those who share the information that they are living with HIV.

In reality, a large proportion of new HIV cases result from unprotected sex with a person who is living with HIV, but has not become aware of their HIV status through testing — or has had barriers to staying connected to HIV care. In a true public health approach, all consenting partners must take responsibility to engage in safer sex.

The above is an extract from Making Media Work for HIV Justice. Read in full here

Published in NAPWHA on June 13, 2018