Senegal: Anti-LGBT offensive leaves communities living in fear and undermines HIV response

Translated with Deepl. Scroll down for original text in French.

“If I’m caught, it’s the end for me”: in Senegal, the daily fear faced by gay people under a crackdown

Following a law passed in March that toughened the penalties for same-sex relations, LGBT+ people in Senegal are living in fear. Speaking on condition of anonymity, several of them describe a life of great uncertainty, marked by the dread of arrest.

“I don’t know if you’ll find me free. The police are closing in on me. You can’t escape your fate”, writes Latyr (name changed), on the eve of our scheduled interview in Dakar – the details of which, like those of our other meetings, will remain confidential for security reasons. In the days leading up to this, the man in his thirties had grown accustomed to sharing his concerns about the unprecedented crackdown on LGBT+ people in Senegal.

From our very first contact via the encrypted messaging app Signal – facilitated by a Senegalese man living in exile in Europe – Latyr wanted to bear witness to his “ordeal”, so that the world knows . Speaking out – anonymously – was also a way of leaving a record “just in case” his freedom were to be taken away. Since the tightening of the law against homosexuality passed in March, same-sex relationships are punishable by five to ten years’ imprisonment in Senegal, where they are considered “acts against nature” – compared with one to five years previously.

Latyr feels his “turn has come” following the arrest of one of his friends. This time, he fears the police might track him down through sexually explicit messages exchanged in 2025. How many friends has he lost? Latyr no longer keeps an exact count. Probably a “dozen” since February. Some of them are locked up in Senegalese prisons, others have fled to The Gambia or Morocco.

Latyr’s bad feeling did not come true that day. He reappeared the following day, online, still free but wary. After his day’s work, he arranged to meet us at a friend’s flat, some way from Dakar. Standing back in the dimly lit hall, Latyr kept a safe distance from a group of residents gathered at the entrance.

“ “Ever since I was a child, I’ve lived my homosexuality discreetly,” says this tall, athletic man, his features drawn. “I’m lucky – I’m not effeminate. No one can suspect I’m gay because I don’t leave anything to chance.” Yet, in these troubled times, maintaining this social façade is wearing him down. “During the day, I constantly have headaches and palpitations. At night, I get very little sleep. I’ve lost 5 kilos, he continues in a weary voice. Every time an acquaintance passes away, I tell myself I’ll be next. “When I get home from work, before going up to my flat, I check that there isn’t a police car parked outside.” Latyr catches his breath in the overheated room. “My life outside work boils down to scrolling through the news in my bedroom. I only leave to eat or go to the mosque.”

A string of arrests

If he feels he is in the authorities’ sights, it is partly down to the investigators’ modus operandi. As part of a wide-ranging investigation targeting both celebrities and ordinary people, suspects’ phones are being combed through. Text messages or videos can be enough to trigger an arrest.

Consequently, more than a hundred suspected homosexuals have been arrested in Dakar and other major cities since 4 February, most of them accused of having close ties to Pape Cheikh Diallo, a famous TV and radio presenter who was remanded in custody on that day. He is being prosecuted on charges of ‘criminal conspiracy, unnatural acts, wilful transmission of HIV/AIDS through unprotected sexual intercourse, endangering the lives of others, money laundering and drug trafficking”.

In May, the arrest of Matar Ndiaga Seck – described by the national media as a close associate of the former prime minister and current Speaker of the Senegalese National Assembly, Ousmane Sonko – caused another bombshell. Dismissed from his post as head of government at the end of May, Ousmane Sonko is one of the advocates of tightening the law on homosexuality, which he calls “Western tyranny”.

This spate of arrests coincided with another scandal. On 8 February, in the days following the first crackdown on the TV presenter Pape Cheikh Diallo, 14 Senegalese nationals were arrested in Dakar. They are suspected of acting as recruiters for the French pensioner Pierre Robert, who has been in custody in France since April 2025. The businessman from Picardy has been charged with “human trafficking, aggravated procuring and the rape of a 15-year-old minor”. He is alleged to be the ringleader of a vast paedophile network involving young Senegalese children, who were filmed, raped and deliberately infected by HIV-positive individuals.

Although these two cases are unrelated, as a judicial source told Le Monde, they have led, in public debate, to a conflation of homosexuality, child sexual abuse and health risks. On 30 March, the enactment of the anti-LGBT law finalised the process of ostracising homosexual people. The first sentence – six years’ imprisonment without parole – was handed down on 11 April to a labourer caught with another man in the suburbs of Dakar.Read also | In Senegal, state-sanctioned homophobia jeopardises the fight against AIDS

In Senegal, homosexuality has been punishable under the Criminal Code since 1966, six years after the country gained independence. Although this law has never actually been enforced, Latyr still had to grow up concealing his sexual orientation. For even before it is punished by the law, homosexuality is punished by society. Both at home and at work, Latyr has learnt not to react to homophobic remarks. When conversations flare up about the ongoing arrests, he remains silent. This discretion does not go unnoticed by some of his colleagues. “When you’re my age and in a stable situation, you’re viewed with suspicion,” he notes. “I know my colleagues are wondering, but I keep it under control.”

A devoted and hard-working son, Latyr lives with his parents, who, he believes, are unaware of his homosexuality, thanks to a double life that is perfectly airtight. There is the official one, which revolves around family, work and the mosque. And the other, clandestine one, lived out in ‘Dakar by night’ and the capital’s furnished flats.

“I’ve experienced great love affairs and great heartbreak,” he confides, visibly moved. “We used to spend time together with our mates.

The drinks would go on late, then it was time to go out dancing in straight clubs, though the majority of the crowd were gay. We partied like there was no tomorrow!” Before noting, bitterly: “All that’s over now. You’ll speak to a man in the morning, then find out in the evening that he’s been arrested.”

Blending into the norm

For a long time, Latyr ‘struggled’ against his homosexuality by drawing on his faith, Islam, which is the majority religion in Senegal. As a practising Muslim, he feels a certain sense of guilt about transgressing the prohibition, according to certain interpretations of the sacred texts. His paradoxical relationship with religion nevertheless helps him to cope with his inner turmoil.

Ever since I was a kid, prayer has been a source of support. Every day, I ask God to set me on the right path. I beg him to forgive me, to accept my repentance, and to protect me from the ongoing persecution, he says. But sometimes I suffer so much that when I go out to meet a man, I pray that a car will run me over and put an end to it. ”

Like Latyr, everyone interviewed for this article says they have thought about taking their own lives, due to the pervasive homophobia and the overwhelming sense of guilt they feel. They all also describe having suffered physical or sexual abuse within their own families.

“When I was 13, my older brother took me out to sea to go fishing.After a while, he tied me up. He beat me up, saying it was to discipline me, otherwise I’d become a bad person”, says Ibou Gaye. The reason this man has agreed to give his real name is that he has now sought refuge in France, where Le Monde met him. In March, he had publicly come out as gay in a video interview for Brut Afrique.

Having settled in the Paris region since July 2024, following his marriage to a French researcher, he is speaking out openly about the “witch-hunt” currently taking place in his country of origin.

Coming from a line of traditional fishermen who have lived for generations in the town of Yoff, north-west of Dakar, Ibou Gaye stood out from those around him from a very early age. Until the end of his teenage years, he lived in a block of flats alongside his extended family – more than a hundred relatives, uncles, aunts, cousins, nephews and nieces. The young man was not immune to social scrutiny in the neighbourhood. “Unlike other gay men, I didn’t hide my mannerisms. I was nicknamed ‘Maniang Kassé’ [a transgender figure famous in Senegal since the early 2000s]. I had ‘my’ way of walking, and it even made some of my gay friends uncomfortable,” he explains proudly. “One of them said to me one day: ‘Look at the way you walk and the way you talk! The way you move your hands! It’s too camp, it puts you in danger!’”

Nevertheless, after his first love got married, Ibou Gaye eventually tried to blend in with the norm himself. For a few months, he swapped his fisherman’s sandals for trainers, as these gave him, according to a cousin, a more “masculine” gait ”. As the son of an imam, he regularly attended the local mosque, where he prayed in the hope of becoming heterosexual. His neighbours were surprised to see him wandering through the neighbourhood’s alleyways, rosary in hand. “I prayed constantly to change and to ask for forgiveness,” he recalls. “A friend had told me that by repeating certain phrases, I would wash away my sins.”

The “repentance”, as he calls it, came to an end after six months, when the young man was frightened by the prospect of a traditional family life: “Where I come from, a man gets married between the ages of 18 and 20. Around the age of 25, he takes a second wife so he can have mor children and retire at 35. I realised I didn’t want that sort of life.”

Ndongo (name changed), aged 38, also nearly gave in to a marriage of convenience.

This is known as a ‘lavender marriage’ , that is, a union between a man and a woman entered into to conceal the husband’s and/or wife’s homosexuality or bisexuality, and thus protect themselves from persecution. When we met Ndongo in early June at a large hotel in Dakar, he was recovering from a long period of overwork.

This craftsman, with broad shoulders and a zebiba (literally ‘raisin’ in Arabic) marked on his forehead – the mark left by prostrating oneself on the ground during Muslim prayer – approached with hesitant steps.

For venturing outside his routine of work and home – which he has stuck to for months – heightens his hypervigilance. “The pressure is too much”, he breathes. And that’s not just a figure of speech. “Recently, I had to go to the doctor because of the anxiety. My blood pressure was 18. I couldn’t even tell him the reasons for my condition because I don’t trust him,” continues Ndongo.If I get caught, it’s the end for me; my family will never accept it.”

Born in a town in northern Senegal, he was subjected to bullying and mockery from a very early age: “I’d rather hang out with the girls than play football with the boys. So they’d insult me, but I didn’t understand why.” His behaviour, unusual for a young boy in his community, unwittingly placed him under tacit surveillance.

One evening, whilst chatting by the river with a boy he was in love with, a friend of his brother’s caught him. On his return, Ndongo faced his older brother’s fury. In the years that followed, he tried to suppress his attraction to men. The reserved young man entered into a relationship with a woman.

But after six years together, on the eve of his wedding, he breaks it off and leaves his hometown for the capital. “I imagined the disastrous life I would lead and the ordeal I would put this woman through, who hadn’t asked for any of this. I couldn’t bear it and I left it all behind”, he explains.

“The moralisation of society”

In Dakar, Ndongo lives alone and discovers a vibrant, underground gay scene. Parties in private flats, amongst friends, away from prying eyes, allow him to form friendships and romantic relationships, though not without risk. For HIV is still circulating within Senegal’s LGBT+ community, despite the country’s success in combating and preventing the virus.

Ndongo eventually becomes infected, as do several of his friends. However, antiretroviral drugs have managed to make them “undetectable”.

Ndongo and his friends could, from then on, have led an “almost normal” life, which is now under threat from repression. “Now, many of us are afraid to go to the clinic or hospital. We wonder if we’ll be arrested, because we’re accused of spreading HIV”, says Ndongo, who has been able to rely on his doctor’s help. “We meet up somewhere in town and he gives me my medication.”

As he approaches his 40th birthday, Ndongo seems to have faced too many battles. Living his homosexuality with peace of mind has never been possible. But in recent months, as the country has been rocked by serious economic difficulties, he has seen society’s attitude become more extreme. In the land of teranga (‘hospitality’ in Wolof, one of the national languages), members of the LGBT+ community are, in his view, easy scapegoats. “In Senegal, homosexuality has been made out to be the greatest sin. Yet there are other offences that are just as serious. Among those who condemn us, how many place the word of their marabout above that of God? How many commit adultery or practise usury?

These are grave sins that have been normalised everywhere,” he protests.

In the same vein, he lambasts the idea that his homosexuality was “instilled” in him by the West, as politicians and activists suggest. “I grew up far from the capital and from white people until I was 30. How could they possibly have influenced me?”, asks Ndongo. “The people I saw as a child were the goor-jigéen.” A contraction of the Wolof terms goor(“man”) and jigéen (“woman”), the goor-jigéen—men dressed as women and sometimes homosexual—have long played a central role in festivities. As ‘ladies-in-waiting’ to the drianké – elegant, socially respected women – or as entertainers at traditional ceremonies, the goor-jigéen had a social role and status that did not provoke the same widespread rejection as it does today. ‘They were applauded at our ceremonies, recalls Ndongo. They entertained us with their mannerisms and didn’t shock anyone.’

The shift in attitudes occurred in the late 1990s, as sexual minorities in Europe and North America began to assert their rights. At the same time, homophobic rhetoric gained momentum in several African countries, both Muslim and Christian.

Organisations funded by the American evangelical Christian right emerged and also waged a crusade in the name of defending ‘African values’.

In Senegal, the opening up of the media to Muslim preachers around the year 2000 marked a turning point. “The liberalisation of the press has increased their visibility”, wrote researcher Ndèye Gning in 2013, in her thesis on male sexuality in Senegal. On the airwaves and screens of a country where survival is a daily struggle, these preachers spread an ultra-conservative and puritanical rhetoric that also targets women.

“Against this backdrop of the moralisation of Senegalese society, sexually and economically active women, as well as gay men, represent a threat to a masculinity struggling with significant difficulties – particularly economic ones – in maintaining its position,” analyses the academic, who recalls the Goudi Town affair. In 2007, the broadcast of a video showing Senegalese women competing in a leumbeul contest (an erotic dance performed by women during festivities), filmed in a nightclub in Dakar, led to the arrest of several dancers for “indecent exposure and offending public decency”.

In the early 2010s, the Jamra association, founded in 1983 to combat drug addiction, prostitution and HIV, took up the fight against what it considers to be an “LGBT lobby

. Right up to the National Assembly: from 2016 to 2026, the religious NGO repeatedly tabled, through MPs sympathetic to its cause, draft bills to criminalise same-sex relationships. The passing of the law in March 2026 marked, for the organisation, a first victory.

“Homosexuality is a behavioural deviation, but it is not inevitable”, says Mame Makhtar Guèye, co-founder of Jamra, who was contacted for this article. Known for his scathing media outbursts, he sees himself as the country’s guardian of public morals by targeting audiovisual productions. In 2020, this former executive at the International Centre for Foreign Trade in Senegal had the series Réwolène taken off the air, in the name of child protection. “It was a piece of LGBT propaganda, featuring young actors wearing make-up and behaving in an effeminate manner”, he claimed in 2022, when contacted for an article in Le Monde on the anti-abortion movement in Senegal, Mame Makhtar Guèye’s other crusade.

As the instigator of the major anti-LGBT demonstration on 23 May 2021, which brought together several thousand people, he wants the government to go further by introducing “conversion therapies” in prisons, to “put an end to the impunity of LGBT networks ”. “For twenty years, we have seen a series of very serious incidents”, he argues. He cites, amongst other things, the arrest of two alleged homosexuals near the Grand Mosque in Dakar on 23 November 2020, who were reportedly caught in a suggestive position. “These blasphemers threaten public order. It is them we are fighting, not those who live out their inclinations in silence”, argues the activist with the deep voice, who has had close ties to political circles for some forty years.

Lesbians, the second target

Mame Makhtar Guèye, who in 2014 had stands promoting queer pride banned at the Dakar Biennale, has a new target. After reporting suspected gay men to the authorities in early March, he claims to have done the same for lesbians, who have so far been relatively spared from repression.

“Their turn will come within a few weeks,” he asserts, confidently. “I have handed over to the police a list of lesbians who are drug addicts, drug dealers and aggressive. They are bad role models for our girls.” ”

Anta (name changed), aged 23, has heard rumours of a “list” drawn up in her town, near Dakar. It is yet another source of anxiety for this lesbian woman caught between a homophobic climate and family pressure. Her father recently announced his forthcoming marriage to his cousin.

“He summoned me and made me sit in the living room, surrounded by my uncles. He said I was bringing shame on them,says Anta, her voice trembling. I’m standing up to him, but I know he won’t give up.

As far as he’s concerned, a woman’s place is by her husband’s side. Even though my cousin has been divorced twice and has three children, my family will sacrifice me so that people stop talking about us.”

In Year 5e, her first romance with a classmate ended when she moved away. Then, in her late teens, she met an older woman. “Back then, everyone knew she was a lesbian, but she lived in peace, alone in her flat”, recalls Anta. Her comings and goings at this woman’s home eventually alerted her relatives. An aunt caught her leaving the woman’s home and told her mother, who assaulted her: “She hit me, shouting that I had to be like other girls my age. That I must never see that woman again. She demanded that I give up my tracksuits and my short hair.” A fan of streetwear, she eventually adopted the conventions of Senegalese femininity. “I started wearing weaves and dresses. I even had a boyfriend. But I didn’t recognise myself. It was like living in disguise all the time. So I went back to being myself”, says the young woman, who now sports a layered short hairstyle.

Never before the crackdown had intensified had Anta felt so isolated. “My best friend accused me of only thinking of myself by continuing to look like a lesbian,” she laments.

“My sister, who used to support me before all this, now says out loud that she hopes lesbians will soon be arrested. She recently confiscated my phone to stop me from communicating. Today, I can’t see any other way out except to die or leave.” Like Ndongo and Latyr, Anta has taken steps to apply for asylum in France. But the chances of obtaining this precious ticket are slim, given the tightening of asylum rules in France and across Europe.

Yet none of the three are among those young Senegalese with no job prospects. All are professionally established. This is no coincidence, explains Ibou Gaye. “Some people think you become gay to get rich through prostitution. That’s absolutely false. We face severe discrimination, notes the trained chef. The only leverage we have with our families, to prevent them from completely rejecting us, is to provide for our loved ones. So many do everything they can to be financially beyond reproach.

Despite his professional situation, Latyr, for his part, cannot see himself thriving in Senegal. Whilst regretting having to leave his homeland, he hopes to continue his life abroad. During his long, sleepless nights, the fate of his imprisoned friends never ceases to torment him. “ What will become of them once they’re released? They won’t be able to get their lives back, nor reintegrate into society. Few will have the means to leave, he worries. I no longer recognise this Senegal. It’s no longer mine.”

A few days after sharing his story, Latyr was arrested. He faces up to ten years in prison.


« Si on m’attrape, c’est la fin pour moi » : au Sénégal, l’effroi quotidien des homosexuels sous le coup de la répression

Alors qu’en mars, une loi a durci les peines encourues pour relations homosexuelles, les Sénégalais LGBT+ vivent dans la peur. Sous le couvert de l’anonymat, plusieurs d’entre eux témoignent d’un quotidien très incertain, marqué par l’angoisse de l’arrestation.

« Je ne sais pas si vous me trouverez libre. Les gendarmes se rapprochent de moi. On ne peut pas fuir son destin », écrit Latyr (le prénom a été modifié), à la veille de notre entretien prévu à Dakar et dont les détails, comme ceux de nos autres rencontres, seront tus par mesure de sécurité. Les jours précédents, ce trentenaire avait pris l’habitude de confier ses inquiétudes face à la répression inédite menée à l’encontre des personnes LGBT+ au Sénégal.

Dès notre première prise de contact sur la messagerie chiffrée Signal, facilitée par un Sénégalais exilé en Europe, Latyr a voulu témoigner de son « calvaire », pour que le monde « sache ». Parler – sous anonymat – était aussi une façon de laisser une trace « au cas où » sa liberté lui serait confisquée. Car depuis le durcissement de la loi contre l’homosexualité voté en mars, les relations entre personnes de même sexe sont passibles de cinq à dix ans de prison au Sénégal, qui les considère comme des « actes contre nature », contre un à cinq ans auparavant.

Latyr pense son « tour arrivé » après l’interpellation de l’un de ses amis. Cette fois, il craint que les gendarmes ne remontent jusqu’à lui grâce à des messages à caractère sexuel échangés en 2025. Combien d’amis a-t-il perdus ? Latyr ne tient plus les comptes exacts. Sans doute une « dizaine » depuis février. Certains d’entre eux sont enfermés dans les prisons sénégalaises, d’autres ont fui en Gambie ou au Maroc.

Le mauvais pressentiment de Latyr ne se réalisera pas ce jour-là. Il réapparaît le lendemain, en ligne, toujours libre mais méfiant. Après sa journée de travail, il nous a donné rendez-vous dans l’appartement d’un ami, éloigné de Dakar. Posté en retrait dans le hall mal éclairé, Latyr se tient à bonne distance d’un groupe de résidents massés à l’entrée.

« Depuis mon enfance, je vis mon homosexualité discrètement, assure ce grand sportif, les traits tirés. J’ai de la chance, je ne suis pas efféminé. Personne ne peut se douter que je suis homosexuel car je ne laisse aucun geste au hasard. » Or, en ces temps troublés, maintenir ce masque social l’épuise. « En journée, j’ai constamment des céphalées et des palpitations. La nuit, je dors peu. J’ai perdu 5 kilos, poursuit-il d’une voix lasse. A chaque fois qu’une connaissance tombe, je me dis que je suis le prochain. Quand je rentre du travail, avant de monter chez moi, je vérifie qu’une voiture de gendarmes n’est pas postée devant. » Latyr reprend son souffle dans la pièce surchauffée. « Ma vie, hors du travail, se résume à scroller les infos, dans ma chambre. Je n’en sors que pour manger ou aller à la mosquée. »

Interpellations à la chaîne

S’il s’estime dans le collimateur des autorités, c’est en partie lié au mode opératoire des enquêteurs. Dans le cadre d’une vaste enquête visant des célébrités et des inconnus, les téléphones des suspects sont passés au peigne fin. Des messages écrits ou des vidéos peuvent suffire à provoquer une arrestation. Ainsi, plus d’une centaine d’homosexuels présumés ont été interpellés à Dakar et dans les grandes villes depuis le 4 février, la plupart accusés d’être intimement liés à Pape Cheikh Diallo, célèbre animateur télé et radio, placé en détention provisoire ce jour-là. Il est poursuivi pour les chefs d’« association de malfaiteurs, actes contre nature, transmission volontaire du VIH/sida par rapports sexuels non protégés, mise en danger de la vie d’autrui, blanchiment de capitaux et trafic de drogue ».

En mai, l’arrestation de Matar Ndiaga Seck, présenté par les médias nationaux comme un proche de l’ex-premier ministre et actuel président de l’Assemblée nationale sénégalaise, Ousmane Sonko, a provoqué un autre coup de tonnerre. Remercié de son poste de chef du gouvernement fin mai, Ousmane Sonko est l’un des défenseurs du durcissement de la loi sur l’homosexualité, qu’il appelle « tyrannie de l’Occident ».

Ces interpellations à la chaîne se sont télescopées avec un autre scandale. Le 8 février, dans les jours suivant le premier coup de filet contre l’animateur Pape Cheikh Diallo, 14 Sénégalais sont arrêtés à Dakar. Ils sont soupçonnés d’être les rabatteurs du retraité français Pierre Robert, en détention depuis le mois d’avril 2025 en France. L’homme d’affaires picard a été mis en examen pour « traite d’êtres humains, proxénétisme aggravé et viol sur mineur de 15 ans ». Il serait à la tête d’un vaste réseau pédocriminel impliquant de jeunes enfants sénégalais, filmés, violés et contaminés volontairement par des personnes séropositives.

Bien que ces deux affaires n’aient pas de lien entre elles, comme l’indique une source judiciaire au Monde, elles donnent lieu, dans le débat public, à un amalgame entre homosexualité, pédocriminalité et risques sanitaires. Le 30 mars, la promulgation de la loi anti-LGBT a fini d’acter le processus d’ostracisation des personnes homosexuelles. Une première condamnation à six ans de prison ferme à l’encontre d’un ouvrier, surpris avec un autre homme dans la banlieue de Dakar, est prononcée le 11 avril.

Au Sénégal, l’homosexualité est punie dans le code pénal dès 1966, six ans après la promulgation de l’indépendance du pays. Si cette loi n’a jamais réellement été appliquée, Latyr a tout de même dû grandir en camouflant son orientation sexuelle. Car avant d’être punie pénalement, l’homosexualité l’est socialement. A la maison comme au travail, Latyr a appris à ne pas réagir aux discours homophobes. Lorsque les conversations s’enflamment au sujet des arrestations en cours, il garde le silence. Une discrétion qui n’échappe pas à certains collègues. « Quand vous avez mon âge avec une situation stable, vous êtes suspect, note-t-il. Je sais que mes collègues se posent des questions, mais je garde le contrôle. »

Fils dévoué et travailleur, Latyr vit chez ses parents qui ignorent, selon lui, son homosexualité, grâce à une double vie parfaitement étanche. Il y a celle, officielle, qui se déroule entre la famille, le travail et la mosquée. Et l’autre, clandestine, vécue dans le « Dakar by night » et les appartements meublés de la capitale. « J’ai connu de grandes histoires d’amour et de grands chagrins, confie-t-il, ému. Avec les copains, on passait du temps ensemble. Les apéros finissaient tard, puis c’était l’heure de sortir danser dans des boîtes hétéros, mais où les homos étaient majoritaires. On faisait la fête comme pas possible ! » Avant de constater, amer : « Tout ça, c’est fini. Tu parles à un homme le matin, tu apprends le soir qu’il a été arrêté. »

Se fondre dans la norme

Longtemps, Latyr a « lutté » contre son homosexualité en puisant dans sa foi, l’islam, majoritaire au Sénégal. Musulman pratiquant, il éprouve une certaine culpabilité face à l’interdit qu’il transgresse, selon certaines interprétations des textes sacrés. Sa relation paradoxale avec la religion l’aide néanmoins à faire face à ses tourments. « Depuis gamin, la prière est un soutien. Tous les jours, je demande à Dieu de me mettre sur le droit chemin. Je supplie qu’il me pardonne, qu’il accepte mon repentir, et qu’il me protège contre la traque en cours, dit-il. Mais parfois, je souffre tellement que quand je sors pour rencontrer un homme, je prie pour qu’une voiture m’écrase et que j’en finisse. »

A l’instar de Latyr, toutes les personnes interviewées dans le cadre de cet article affirment avoir pensé à mettre fin à leurs jours, à cause de l’homophobie prégnante et du sentiment de culpabilité qui les accable. Toutes décrivent par ailleurs avoir subi des violences intrafamiliales physiques ou sexuelles.

« Quand j’avais 13 ans, mon grand frère m’a emmené en mer pour pêcher.Au bout d’un moment, il m’a ligoté. Il m’a tabassé en disant que c’était pour me corriger, sinon je deviendrais une mauvaise personne », raconte Ibou Gaye. Si cet homme accepte de donner son vrai nom, c’est parce qu’il s’est aujourd’hui réfugié en France, où Le Monde l’a rencontré. En mars, il avait publiquement révélé son homosexualité dans une interview vidéo pour Brut Afrique. Installé en région parisienne depuis juillet 2024, après son mariage avec un chercheur français, il alerte à visage découvert sur la « traque »en cours dans son pays d’origine.

Issu d’une lignée de pêcheurs traditionnels installée depuis des générations dans la commune de Yoff, au nord-ouest de Dakar, Ibou Gaye a très tôt dérangé son entourage. Jusqu’à la fin de l’adolescence, il vit dans un immeuble aux côtés de sa famille élargie – plus d’une centaine de parents, oncles, tantes, cousins, neveux et nièces. Le jeune homme n’échappe pas au contrôle social dans le quartier. « Contrairement à d’autres homosexuels, je ne cachais pas mes manières. On me surnommait “Maniang Kassé” [personnalité transgenre célèbre au Sénégal depuis le début des années 2000]. J’avais “ma” démarche et ça gênait même des amis gay », explique-t-il fièrement. « L’un d’eux m’a dit un jour : “Regarde comment tu marches et comment tu parles ! Comment tu bouges tes mains ! Ça fait trop pédé, ça te met en danger !” »

Pour autant, après le mariage de son premier amour, Ibou Gaye finit par tenter de se fondre, lui aussi, dans la norme. Durant quelques mois, il troque ses sandales de pêcheur contre des baskets, car elles lui confèrent, d’après un cousin, une démarche plus « masculine ». Fils d’imam, il fréquente assidûment la mosquée de secteur, où il prie dans l’espoir de devenir hétérosexuel. Ses voisins s’étonnent de le voir déambuler dans les ruelles du quartier, chapelet à la main. « Je priais sans cesse pour changer et demander pardon, se souvient-il. Un ami m’avait dit qu’en répétant certaines formules, je laverais mes péchés. »

Le « repentir », comme il l’appelle, prend fin au bout de six mois, lorsque le jeune homme s’effraie à la perspective d’une vie de famille traditionnelle : « Chez nous, un homme se marie entre 18 et 20 ans. Vers 25 ans, il prend une deuxième femme afin d’avoir plus d’enfants et de pouvoir prendre sa retraite à 35 ans. J’ai réalisé que je ne voulais pas de cette vie-là. »

Ndongo (le prénom a été modifié), 38 ans, a, lui aussi, failli céder au mariage de convenance. C’est le « mariage lavande » (ou lavender marriage), c’est-à-dire l’union d’un homme et d’une femme conclue pour dissimuler l’homosexualité ou la bisexualité de l’époux et/ou de l’épouse, et ainsi se protéger des persécutions. Lorsque nous rencontrons Ndongo, début juin, dans un grand hôtel de Dakar, il se remet d’une longue période de surmenage.

Cet artisan aux épaules larges et au front marqué d’une zebiba(littéralement « raisin sec » en arabe), le signe laissé par les prosternations au sol dans la prière musulmane, arrive d’un pas hésitant. Car s’aventurer hors de sa routine entre travail et maison, à laquelle il se tient depuis des mois, accroît son hypervigilance. « La pression est trop forte », souffle-t-il. Et ce n’est pas qu’une façon de parler. « Récemment, j’ai dû aller chez le médecin à cause de l’angoisse. Ma tension était à 18. Je ne pouvais même pas lui confier les raisons de mon état car je n’ai pas confiance, poursuit Ndongo. Si on m’attrape, c’est la fin pour moi, ma famille ne l’acceptera jamais. »

Né dans une commune du nord du Sénégal, il fait très tôt l’objet de brimades et de moqueries : « Je préférais rester avec les filles que jouer au foot avec les garçons. Alors ils m’insultaient, mais je ne comprenais pas. » Son comportement, inhabituel pour un garçonnet dans son milieu, le place malgré lui sous une surveillance tacite.

Un soir, alors qu’il converse au bord du fleuve avec un garçon dont il est épris, un ami de son frère le surprend. A son retour, Ndongo subit la fureur de son aîné. Les années qui suivent, il tente de réprimer son attirance pour les hommes. Le jeune homme réservé se met en couple avec une femme. Mais au bout de six ans de relation, à la veille de son mariage, il rompt et quitte sa ville pour la capitale. « J’ai imaginé la vie désastreuse que je mènerais et le calvaire que je ferais vivre à cette femme qui n’a rien demandé. Je n’ai pas supporté et j’ai tout quitté », explique-t-il.

« Moralisation de la société »

A Dakar, Ndongo vit seul, découvre un milieu gay clandestin et animé. Les soirées dans des appartements, en entre-soi, à l’abri des regards, lui permettent de nouer des relations amicales et amoureuses, non sans risques. Car le VIH circule toujours dans la communauté LGBT+ sénégalaise, en dépit des bons résultats du pays en matière de lutte et de prévention contre le virus. Ndongo finit par être contaminé, comme plusieurs de ses amis. Des antirétroviraux sont toutefois parvenus à les rendre « indétectables ».

Ndongo et ses amis auraient pu, dès lors, mener une vie « presque normale », aujourd’hui menacée par la répression. « Maintenant, beaucoup d’entre nous ont peur d’aller à la clinique ou à l’hôpital. Nous nous demandons si nous serons arrêtés, car on nous accuse de transmettre le VIH », raconte Ndongo, qui a pu compter sur l’aide de son médecin. « On se donne rendez-vous quelque part en ville et il me remet mon traitement. »

A l’aube de ses 40 ans, Ndongo semble avoir affronté trop de combats. Vivre son homosexualité en toute sérénité n’a jamais été possible. Mais ces derniers mois, alors que le pays est secoué par de sérieuses difficultés économiques, il a vu le regard de la société se radicaliser. Au pays de la teranga (« hospitalité » en wolof, l’une des langues nationales), les membres de la communauté LGBT+ sont, selon lui, des boucs émissaires tout trouvés. « Au Sénégal, on a fait de l’homosexualité le plus grand péché. Pourtant, il existe d’autres fautes tout aussi graves. Parmi ceux qui nous condamnent, combien sont-ils à placer la parole de leur marabout au-dessus de celle de Dieu ? Combien pratiquent l’adultère ou l’usure ? Ce sont de grands péchés qu’on a normalisés partout », s’insurge-t-il.

Sur le même ton, il fustige l’idée selon laquelle son homosexualité lui aurait été « inoculée » par l’Occident, comme le laissent entendre les politiciens et activistes. « J’ai grandi loin de la capitale et des Blancs jusqu’à mes 30 ans. Comment auraient-ils pu m’influencer ?, s’interroge Ndongo. Ceux que je voyais enfant, c’étaient les goor-jigéen. » Contraction des termes wolof goor (« homme ») et jigéen (« femme »), les goor-jigéen, hommes travestis en femmes et parfois homosexuels, ont longtemps occupé une place centrale dans les festivités. « Dames de compagnie » des drianké – femmes élégantes et respectées socialement – ou amuseurs publics lors des cérémonies traditionnelles, les goor-jigéen avaient une place et une fonction sociale qui ne provoquait pas de rejet aussi massif qu’aujourd’hui. « Ils étaient applaudis dans nos cérémonies, se souvient Ndongo. Ils nous divertissaient avec leurs manières et ne choquaient personne. »

Le changement de regard intervient à la fin des années 1990, à mesure qu’en Europe et en Amérique du Nord, les minorités sexuelles revendiquent leurs droits. Parallèlement, le discours homophobeprend de l’ampleur dans plusieurs pays africains, musulmans et chrétiens. Des organisations financées par la droite chrétienne évangélique américaine voient le jour et mènent également une croisade au nom de la défense des « valeurs africaines ».

Au Sénégal, l’ouverture de l’espace médiatique aux prêcheurs musulmans, autour des années 2000, marque un tournant. « La libéralisation de la presse a accru leur visibilité », écrivait, en 2013, la chercheuse Ndèye Gning, dans sa thèse consacrée aux sexualités entre hommes au Sénégal. Sur les ondes et les écrans d’un pays où la survie est un enjeu quotidien, ces prédicateurs propagent une rhétorique ultraconservatrice et puritaine, qui vise également les femmes.

« Dans ce contexte de moralisation de la société sénégalaise, la femme active (sur le plan sexuel et économique) de même que l’homosexuel représentent une menace face à une masculinité aux prises avec d’importantes difficultés (notamment économiques) pour se maintenir », analyse l’universitaire, qui rappelle l’affaire Goudi Town. En 2007, la diffusion d’une vidéo de Sénégalaises s’affrontant dans un concours de leumbeul (une danse érotique pratiquée par les femmes lors de festivités), filmée dans une boîte de nuit de Dakar, avait provoqué l’arrestation de plusieurs danseuses pour « attentat à la pudeur et outrage aux bonnes mœurs ».

Au début des années 2010, l’association Jamra, fondée en 1983 pour lutter contre la toxicomanie, la prostitution et le VIH, s’empare du combat contre ce qu’elle estime être un « lobby LGBT ». Jusqu’à l’Assemblée : de 2016 à 2026, l’ONG religieuse fait porter à répétition, par le biais de députés acquis à la cause, des projets de loi pour criminaliser les relations entre personnes de même sexe. L’adoption de la loi de mars 2026 constitue, pour elle, une première victoire.

« L’homosexualité est une déviance comportementale, mais ce n’est pas une fatalité », juge Mame Makhtar Guèye, cofondateur de Jamra, contacté dans le cadre de cet article. Connu pour ses sorties médiatiques virulentes, il se veut le gendarme des bonnes mœurs du pays en s’attaquant aux productions audiovisuelles. En 2020, cet ancien cadre du Centre international du commerce extérieur du Sénégal fait retirer la série Réwolène, au nom de la protection des enfants. « C’était une œuvre de propagande LGBT, avec des jeunes acteurs qui se maquillent et ont des manières efféminées », soutenait-il en 2022, contacté pour un article du Monde autour du mouvement anti-IVG au Sénégal, l’autre croisade de Mame Makhtar Guèye.

Instigateur de la grande manifestation anti-LGBT du 23 mai 2021 qui a réuni plusieurs milliers de personnes, il souhaite que le gouvernement aille plus loin en instaurant des « thérapies de conversion » dans les prisons, pour « mettre fin à l’impunité des réseaux LGBT ». « Depuis vingt ans, nous avons eu une série de faits très graves », avance-t-il. Il cite, entre autres, l’arrestation de deux homosexuels présumés dans le secteur de la grande mosquée de Dakar, le 23 novembre 2020, qui auraient été surpris dans une position suggestive. « Ces blasphémateurs menacent l’ordre public. Ce sont eux que nous combattons, pas ceux qui vivent leurs penchants en silence », défend l’activiste à la voix caverneuse, proche des milieux politiques depuis une quarantaine d’années.

Les lesbiennes, deuxième cible

Mame Makhtar Guèye, qui a fait interdire, en 2014, des stands prônant la fierté queer lors de la Biennale de Dakar, a une nouvelle cible. Après avoir signalé aux autorités, début mars, des homosexuels présumés, il affirme avoir fait de même pour des lesbiennes, jusqu’ici relativement épargnées par la répression. « Leur tour arrivera d’ici à quelques semaines, assure-t-il, confiant. J’ai remis aux autorités policières une liste de lesbiennes toxicomanes, trafiquantes de drogue et agressives. Ce sont des contre-modèles pour nos filles. »

Anta (le prénom a été modifié), 23 ans, a eu vent d’une « liste » établie dans sa commune, près de Dakar. Une angoisse de plus pour cette femme lesbienne prise en étau entre le climat homophobe et la pression familiale. Son père lui a récemment annoncé son mariage à venir, avec son cousin. « Il m’a convoquée et m’a assise dans le salon, au milieu de mes oncles. Il a dit que je leur faisais honte, lâche Anta, la voix tremblante. Je lui tiens tête, mais je sais qu’il ne renoncera pas. Pour lui, la place d’une femme, c’est auprès de son mari. Même si mon cousin a divorcé deux fois et qu’il a trois enfants, ma famille me sacrifiera pour que les gens arrêtent de parler de nous. »

En classe de 5e, sa première histoire d’amour avec une camarade s’achève par un déménagement. Puis, à la fin de l’adolescence, elle rencontre une femme plus âgée. « A l’époque, tout le monde savait qu’elle était lesbienne, mais elle vivait en paix, seule dans son appartement », se souvient Anta. Ses allées et venues chez cette femme finissent par alerter ses proches. Une tante la surprend quittant son domicile et prévient sa mère, qui la violente : « Elle m’a frappée en criant que je devais être comme les autres filles de mon âge. Que je ne devais plus revoir cette femme. Elle a exigé que j’abandonne mes joggings et mes cheveux courts. » Fan de streetwear, elle finit par adopter les codes de la féminité sénégalaise. « J’ai commencé à porter des tissages et des robes. J’ai même eu un petit copain. Mais je ne me reconnaissais pas. C’était comme vivre déguisée tout le temps. Alors je suis revenue à moi », affirme la jeune femme, qui arbore désormais un dégradé sur cheveux courts.

Jamais, avant l’intensification de la répression, Anta ne s’était sentie si isolée. « Ma meilleure amie m’a reproché de ne penser qu’à moi en continuant à ressembler à une lesbienne, se désole-t-elle. Ma sœur, qui me soutenait avant tout ça, dit à voix haute qu’elle espère que les lesbiennes seront bientôt arrêtées. Elle m’a récemment confisqué mon téléphone pour m’empêcher de communiquer. Aujourd’hui, je ne vois pas d’autres issues que de mourir ou de partir. » A l’instar de Ndongo et Latyr, Anta a entrepris des démarches pour demander l’asile en France. Mais les chances d’obtenir le précieux sésame s’avèrent minces au vu du raidissement des règles d’accès à l’asile en France et dans toute l’Europe.

Pourtant, tous les trois ne font pas partie des jeunes Sénégalais sans perspectives d’emploi. Tous sont professionnellement établis. Un fait qui n’est pas une coïncidence, explique Ibou Gaye. « Certains pensent qu’on devient homo pour devenir riche en se prostituant. C’est absolument faux. La discrimination nous frappe fort, constate ce cuisinier de formation. Le seul pouvoir qu’on a face à nos familles, pour qu’elles ne nous rejettent pas totalement, c’est de subvenir aux besoins de nos proches. Donc beaucoup font tout pour être irréprochables financièrement. »

En dépit de sa situation professionnelle, Latyr, lui, ne se voit pas s’épanouir au Sénégal. Tout en regrettant de devoir quitter sa terre natale, il espère poursuivre sa vie à l’étranger. Durant ses longues nuits sans sommeil, le sort de ses amis emprisonnés n’a de cesse de le tourmenter. « Que vont-ils devenir une fois relâchés ? Ils ne pourront pas retrouver leur vie, ni réintégrer la société. Peu auront les moyens de partir, s’inquiète-t-il. Je ne reconnais plus ce Sénégal. Il n’est plus le mien désormais. »

Quelques jours après avoir livré son histoire, Latyr a été arrêté. Il encourt jusqu’à dix ans de prison.

US: Ohio bill could increase prison sentences for people living with HIV

Advocates say Ohio bill would unjustly penalize people living with HIV

Andy’s Law is meant to make work safer for correctional officers, but it could have other severe consequences.

HIV education and prevention advocates are calling for changes to a bill designed to increase safety for Ohio corrections officers but that also has the potential to unjustly increase prison sentences for people living with HIV.

HB 338 would enact Andy’s Law, a set of provisions that increase penalties for crimes committed against correctional officers. One section of the proposed law would add a mandatory prison sentence of seven years to the crime of felonious assault and a mandatory prison sentence of at least three years to the crime of harassment with a bodily substance.

Contained within the crimes of “felonious assault” and “harassment with a bodily substance” are two of the six laws in Ohio that criminalize certain acts – including sex – for people living with HIV, or that substantially increase penalties for them compared to people who do not have the virus. These laws impose stiff penalties – regardless of whether the virus is or can be transmitted. In some situations, the law also requires sex offender registration.

Additionally, HB 338 would change policies and procedures with the intention of increasing “good behavior” of inmates, including banning educational opportunities and tablet use and limiting visitation rights to those in high-security facilities.

The bill is named after corrections officer Andrew Lansing, who was killed by an inmate at Ross Correctional Institution on Christmas Day 2024. The bill passed the Ohio House in November with bipartisan support – only three Democrats voted against it – and has had three hearings in the Senate Judiciary Committee, most recently on June 10. 

Advocates say the two new mandatory penalties created by Andy’s Law would create serious unintended consequences for Ohioans living with HIV. 

According to a 2024 study released by OHMM and the Equality Ohio Education Fund, from 2014 to 2020, there were at least 214 confirmed HIV-related prosecutions in Ohio, of which over half (120 cases) came from the state’s “harassment with a bodily substance” law and about a third (77 cases) came under Ohio’s felonious assault law. The remainder (17 cases) were related to sex work. 

Additionally, the research shows that Ohio’s HIV criminalization laws disproportionately impact Black communities, with at least 36% of defendants identifying as Black. Statewide, 29% of all defendants (62 people) were Black men.

“HB 338 seeks to improve correctional facility safety for officers and staff; however, it also sweeps in and increases penalties for two of the six HIV statutes which the Ohio Health Modernization Movement (OHMM) has targeted in recent years,” said Josh Meek, OHMM Steering Committee Member.

At the June 10 hearing, advocates urged lawmakers to reconsider parts of the bill that would increase sentences of prisoners living with HIV who cannot transmit the virus, but would be sentenced as if they could. 

Adam Reilly, associate director of prevention at Caracole — a Cincinnati-based non-profit dedicated to ending the HIV epidemic  — explained that the six laws on the books that unfairly target people living with HIV were written before current HIV treatment advances and medical understanding. The laws are focused on whether an Ohioan living with HIV has disclosed their HIV status to their sexual partners, regardless of whether they can transmit the virus. 

“According to the CDC [Centers for Disease Control], a person living with HIV who is on treatment and maintains an undetectable viral load has zero risk of transmitting HIV to their sexual partners,” Reilly testified. “That means, under current law, if you’re living with HIV, you can get a second-degree felony for consensual sex that involves zero risk of transmitting HIV.”

In his testimony, Meek highlighted the same issue with harassment with a bodily substance: that actions are criminalized where transmission is not even possible.

“We believe this sentencing is disproportionate to the alleged harm, especially since in some circumstances there is no risk of HIV being transmitted,” he submitted in written testimony. 

Meek told The Buckeye Flame that the over 80 opponent or interested-party testimonies submitted for the June 10 hearing was an indication that “there is still much work to be done.” He said there is hope that the Judiciary Committee excludes the HIV-related statutes – felonious assault from failure to disclose HIV status and harassment with a bodily fluid – from the mandatory sentencing.

“Since HB 338 didn’t pass before the summer recess, it seems the legislature has decided to take additional time to review the bill, which is a good indicator of the possibility that these changes will be included,” Meek said. 

The Buckeye Flame reached out to Judiciary Committee Chair Nathan Manning and the bill’s primary sponsors, Reps. Mark Johnson and Phil Plummer, for comment, but no response was received before this publication date. 

US: Lawmakers divided as New York revisits HIV criminalisation

HIV decriminalization bill to wait another year

Nearly 30 years after a rash of HIV cases made Chautauqua County national news, some state legislators are pushing to decriminalize people living with sexual transmitted infections who engage in consensual sexual activity.

It’s a debate that isn’t falling entirely along party lines in the state Senate. And, with the state legislative session ending before S.9822 could be taken up in the state Assembly, it’s a debate that will likely continue next year. The legislation has passed the Senate before in 2023-24 and again in 2025, but has yet to make it to the Assembly floor for a vote. That hadn’t changed through Thursday; the Assembly had yet to take the bill up before the end of the legislation session on Friday.

State Sen. George Borrello, R-Sunset Bay, railed against the legislation during a recent Senate debate while acknowledging Chautauqua County’s experience with criminalization of sexually transmitted diseases during consensual encounters, namely the 1990s controversy of Nushawn Williams. The former Jamestown resident, imprisoned after knowingly infecting at least a dozen women with HIV in the 1990s, is one of hundreds of sex offenders in New York still in custody despite – in Williams’ case – completing a 12-year prison sentence in 2010.

Under civil commitment laws, a judge or jury is able to determine whether a sex offender who meets the definition of a “sexually violent predator” should be released following their imprisonment or be placed in a secure facility for further supervision.

“His sexual conduct was intentional to infect more and more women,” Borrello said. “That’s what he did. He was finally convicted, but he created a public health crisis. One man created a public health crisis in Chautauqua County and went to prison for his actions. But this bill would no longer find him guilty.”

Sen. Julia Salazar, D-Brooklyn, took up sponsorship of S.9822 after the retirement of Sen. Brad Hoylman-Sigal. She said in her legislative justification that the state’s HIV and STI criminalization law found in state Public Health Law Section 2307, is at odds with modern public health policy. The section was first passed in 1909 to control the spread of venereal disease solely within the armed forces. During the World War II era combatting sexually transmitted infections became a national priority because, at the time, medical treatment took soldiers out of commission for months. In 1946, the legislature made the law applicable for the first time to the entire public. It hasn’t been changed since, and Salazar and other advocates to change the criminalization statute say criminalizing HIV and sexually transmitted infections make people fearful to get tested.

“We’ve heard many times appeals to false hypotheticals in arguments made in this chamber, but I’ve got to say the idea that any person would intentionally, deliberately seek to hurt another person solely by attempting to spread an STI strains credulity,” Salazar said. “It is absurd and cruelty to individuals living with an STI to suggest this. It is not actually possible any more than it would be for me if I were to contract COVID to deliberately direct that virus to attack another person. … Additionally, we know this cruel law harms women, particularly survivors of intimate partner abuse. Abusers frequently weaponize HIV, criminal laws like this existing law, that we’re repealing by threatening false exposure claims to control or punish their partners. This is well documented.”

Williams’ case is often discussed by advocates including by organizations like the Center for HIV Law, which noted on its website that Williams’ case marks the first and only time in New York state, and possibly the country, that a person has been civilly confined based largely on HIV status. That is partially true, though the case law doesn’t mention Williams’ HIV status or the fact that Williams infected so many girls with HIV in the 1990s. The Fourth Department Appellate Division has ruled several times over the past 10 years that the evidence used to convict Williams is legally sufficient to support the verdict that Williams has a mental abnormality that predisposes him to the commission of conduct constituting a sex offense and that results in him having serious difficulty controlling that conduct. That opinion was upheld in 2021 and again in 2023, when the Fourth Department Appellate Division confirmed the state “presented legally sufficient evidence that petitioner has serious difficulty controlling his behavior within the meaning of the Mental Hygiene Law. Respondents’ expert testified that petitioner had not made sufficient progress in treatment; that he failed to address his sexual deviance, which included a desire to have sex with underage girls; and that he failed to recognize how his substance abuse was related to his sexual offenses.”

Salazar counters that there are no research or data supporting the idea that laws criminalizing diseases do anything to lower transmission rates or encourage treatment or disclosure of one’s status. She also argues that Public Health Section 2307 has had a disproportionate effect on communities of color, particularly LGBTQ communities of color.

Senator Stephen Chan, R-Brooklyn, wasn’t convinced. He said during his career as a police officer he and his partner charged a man who had been released from jail after serving 17 years for a manslaughter conviction. The man was charged with first-degree rape, and then told Chan and his partner that the man had AIDS, a diagnosis that was confirmed after a court-ordered test.

“So yes, the notion of somebody that wants to intentionally give something these sexually transmitted diseases are real, and I will be voting down on this bill,” Chan said.

Senegal: Lawyers challenge phone searches and lack of legal counsel in LGBTQ+ cases

Senegal’s anti-homosexuality law: violations of defendants’ rights are causing concern among lawyers and NGOs

In Senegal, a month and a half after the enactment of a law toughening penalties for homosexuality, and with over a hundred people having been arrested for alleged ‘unnatural acts’ and some accused of wilful transmission of HIV, lawyers are concerned about violations of defendants’ rights, including unauthorised searches of mobile phones, interrogation reports ending up in the press, and the absence of legal representation for a number of those arrested.

with RFI correspondent in Dakar, Léa-Lisa Westerhoff

The lobby of the High Court in Dakar is bustling with people…

No case involving “unnatural acts” is being heard that day, but Maître Kandiak François Senghor wishes to discuss the conditions under which one of his clients, arrested for alleged homosexuality in early February, was questioned at the Keur Massar police station.

“The commander had confiscated and searched his mobile phone without his consent. And… in his office, he forced him to waive his right to a lawyer – that’s not right! It was also he who leaked details of the investigation to the press – it’s shocking! ‘Maître Senghor assures us that this violation of the right to legal representation is a first since 2016 and the entry into force of the UMOA regulations governing the legal profession in Senegal, but it is far from being the only one,’ explains Maître Abdou Dieng. “In the cases involving me regarding acts against nature, at least 100 people have been arrested, and of those 100, not a single one was assisted by a lawyer during questioning – that is not legal!

On 10 February, the two lawyers therefore filed a complaint against the brigade commander of the Keur Massar police station for procedural violations during the interrogation of their two clients: the right to be assisted by a lawyer, as well as the searching of phones without consent, and the breach of medical confidentiality with medical records published in the press.

For Mr Abdou Dieng, urgent action is needed: “Leaking information about a person’s serological status is dangerous, as it is confidential, yet it is all over TV programmes and in the press! It is very serious, in truth! ”

Filed on 16 February, the complaint is still under investigation by the Public Prosecutor’s Office at the Dakar Court of Appeal.

For its part, the NGO Amnesty International is also concerned about these mass arrests of suspected homosexuals, which are, for the most part, based on searches of mobile phones.


Loi anti-homosexualité au Sénégal: les violations des droits des prévenus inquiètent avocats et ONG

Au Sénégal, un mois et demi après la promulgation d’une loi qui durcit les peines pour homosexualité, et alors que plus d’une centaine de personnes ont été arrêtés pour « actes contre nature » présumés et certains accusés de transmission volontaire du VIH, des avocats s’inquiètent de cas de violation du droit des prévenus avec des fouilles de téléphone portables non consenties, des procès-verbaux d’interrogatoire qui atterrissent dans la presse et l’absence d’avocat pour un certain nombre de personnes arrêtées.

avec la correspondante RFI à Dakar, Léa-Lisa Westerhoff

Le hall du tribunal de grande instance de Dakar bruisse de monde…

Aucune affaire d’« acte contre nature » n’est jugée ce jour-là, mais maître Kandiak François Senghor veut revenir sur les conditions dans lesquelles l’un de ses clients, arrêté pour homosexualité présumée début février, a été auditionné au commissariat de Keur Massar.

« Le commandant avait confisqué et fouillé son portable sans son consentement. Et… dans son bureau, il l’a contraint à renoncer à son droit à un avocat, ce n’est pas normal ! C’est également lui qui a fait fuiter les éléments de l’enquête dans la presse, c’est choquant ! »Maître Senghor l’assure, cette violation du droit d’être assisté par un avocat est une première depuis 2016 et l’entrée en vigueur du règlement UMOA qui régit la profession d’avocat au Sénégal, mais elle est loin d’être la seule, nous explique Maître Abdou Dieng. « Pour les dossiers qui me concernent d’acte contre nature, on est au moins à 100 personnes arrêtées, et sur ces 100 personnes aucune n’a été assistée par un avocat au moment de l’interrogatoire, ce n’est pas légal ! »

Le 10 février dernier les deux avocats ont donc porté plainte contre le commandant de brigade du commissariat de Keur Massar pour des violations de procédure lors de l’interrogatoire de leurs deux clients : celle d’être assisté par un avocat, mais aussi des fouilles de téléphone sans consentement, ou encore la violation du secret médical avec des statuts médicaux publiés dans la presse.

Pour maître Abdou Dieng il est urgent d’agir : « Distiller des informations sur l’état sérologique d’une personne, c’est quand même dangereux car c’est un secret or c’est partout sur les plateaux de tv et dans la presse ! C’est très grave en vérité ! »

Saisie depuis le 16 février, la plainte est toujours en cours d’instruction devant le parquet général de la cour d’appel de Dakar.

De son côté, l’ONG Amnesty international s’inquiète, elle aussi, de ces arrestations en série d’homosexuels présumés qui reposent, pour la plupart, sur des fouilles de téléphones portables.

African leaders call on Senegal’s President to suspend arrests targeting LGBT+ people in Senegal

Open letter to Bassirou Diomaye Faye

The recent adoption of measures tightening criminal penalties against homosexuals is causing serious concern. A climate of fear, hatred and violence has taken hold in the country. Is this really what ‘left-wing Pan-Africanism’ is all about?

Mr President,

We are writing this letter to you in a spirit of solidarity and dialogue. It is written by women and men of African origin, living both on the continent and in the diaspora, who are deeply committed to the future of Senegal and, beyond that, to the future of the pan-African project.

When you came to power, your election sparked considerable hope, far beyond the borders of Senegal and the continent. Many saw you as the embodiment of political renewal, that of a new generation, championing the values of justice, dignity and sovereignty. You presented yourself as inspired by a ‘left-wing pan-Africanism’, thereby arousing enthusiasm and expectation among those who aspire to a freer, fairer and more united Africa.

Unfortunately, as far as we are concerned, this hope has been overshadowed in recent weeks.

The recent adoption of provisions tightening the criminalisation of homosexuals, along with the resulting social climate, is causing deep concern. The consequences are already visible and dramatic. A young man, perceived as homosexual – rightly or wrongly – was stabbed in the street. Others have been beaten, imprisoned, or rejected by their families and communities. Still others are now seeking to flee their own country, the country they loved. At the same time, people living with HIV, including heterosexuals, no longer dare to go to health centres for testing or treatment, for fear of being stigmatised and arrested – something that has happened on more than one occasion. The organisations that used to support those most at risk can no longer do so. This situation risks exacerbating the spread of the epidemic and increasing morbidity and mortality in Senegal.

A climate of fear, hatred and violence has taken hold in the country. Is this really what ‘left-wing Pan-Africanism’ is all about?

As we understand it, Pan-Africanism is based on the inclusion of all Africans, both on the continent and in the diaspora. It is a project of unity, solidarity and shared dignity. As for left-wing Pan-Africanism, in our view, it aims all the more to emancipate all Africans, not to lock up consenting adults who are harming no one. Moreover, globally, it is rather at the opposite end of the political spectrum—and particularly on the far right—that discriminatory agendas are deployed, whether against Black people, women or homosexuals.

The emancipatory Pan-Africanism that we espouse has been powerfully embodied by major historical figures. Nelson Mandela and Desmond Tutu, both Nobel Peace Prize laureates, consistently fought against discrimination based on sexual orientation. Jesse Jackson, with his Rainbow Coalition, included gay and lesbian people in his struggle for equality. Angela Davis, for her part, has always championed an intersectional view of these struggles, linking the fights against racism, sexism, capitalism and discrimination based on sexual orientation.

Furthermore, several African countries have recently moved towards greater recognition of rights: Botswana, Mozambique, Gabon and Angola have decriminalised homosexuality in recent years. These choices show that, within Africa itself, there are diverse paths forward, and that no inevitability condemns the continent to repression.

We wish to make this clear: this is not about condemning Senegal, nor about denying its sovereignty, which must be respected. But Senegal is a signatory to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the United Nations Charter, which enshrine, in particular, the right to privacy and the principle of non-discrimination. So why does Senegal refuse to honour its own African and international commitments?

Some claim that homosexuality is alien to Africa. This idea does not stand up to scrutiny. All African historians and ethnologists know this. In many African languages, including Wolof, terms have long existed to describe realities related to homosexuality, proof that it is neither new nor imported. In Senegal, the goorjigeens had a place in society. What will become of them? On the other hand, the laws that repress them are, for the most part, a legacy of colonisation. Whether it be the French-inspired penal codes or the ‘sodomy laws’ introduced by the British Empire during the reign of Queen Victoria, these provisions were imposed from outside. And the foreign forces pushing Senegal to prosecute homosexual and transgender people, and even to ban any calm debate on the issue, are very diverse.

As for the religious argument, it too calls for caution. We believe that some people confuse faith with the law. Faith is a matter of the most fundamental individual freedom and must be respected. But civil law cannot simply be a transposition of religious doctrine. Article 1 of the Constitution proclaims that ‘the Republic of Senegal is secular, democratic and social’. Senegal is a democracy, renowned for its pluralism; it has never been a theocracy based on Sharia law. Such a shift would pose risks not only to sexual minorities, but also to women, non-Muslims, and, more broadly, to all civil liberties.

Senegalese Islam used to be a tolerant form of Islam. Today, is a fundamentalist form of Islam taking hold in the country? Senegal’s image on the international stage is already being affected. Several studies show that discrimination hinders development. Senegal needs all its children.

Today, in certain regions of Africa, we are witnessing the rise of fundamentalist and violent movements across various religious traditions. These movements undermine societies and threaten African unity by spreading ideologies of hatred, division and exclusion.

In the face of this, we feel it is urgent to reaffirm another path: that of dialogue.

We are all part of the same pan-African family. And as in any family, disagreements may arise. But it is through discussion, whether under the baobab tree or elsewhere, that these disagreements can be resolved. It is in this spirit that we write to you today.

We wish to invite the Senegalese authorities to open a respectful and constructive dialogue on these issues. In the meantime, however, we call for a moratorium on arrests and the enforcement of sentences in order to ease tensions and allow for collective reflection. We also hope that the March 2010 law on HIV/AIDS will be respected, particularly Article 12, as testing must be carried out freely and voluntarily, and results must remain confidential.

Mr President, it is our hope that Senegal will continue to be a beacon for Africa, not only through its political stability, but also through its commitment to human dignity.

Please accept, Mr President, the assurance of our highest consideration and our pan-African solidarity.

Signatories:

-Alice Nkom, lawyer, member of the UN Permanent Forum on People of African Descent

-Doudou Diène, former UN Special Rapporteur on new forms of discrimination

-Victorin Lurel, Senator for Guadeloupe, former minister

-Marcelin Nadeau, Member of Parliament for Martinique

-Olivier Serva, Member of the National Assembly for Guadeloupe

-Annah Bikouloulou, Deputy Mayor of Paris, responsible for equality, human rights and the fight against discrimination

-Nouriati Djambae, Member of the Bouches-du-Rhône Departmental Council

-Jean-Jacob Bicep, former Member of the European Parliament, member of the Human Rights Committee

-Dominique Sopo, President of SOS Racisme

-Achille Mbembé, philosopher

-Jean-Claude Barny, filmmaker

-Eva Doumbia, director, writer

-Brian Scott Eagle, founder of the Josephine Baker Museum,

-Matthieu Niango, essayist, writer

-Brahim Naït-Balk, radio presenter, football coach

-Jo Amaranthe, co-founder of Black Pride

-Fabrice Nguena, human rights defender, author

-Carlos Idibouo, human rights defender

-Félicité Esther Zeifman, barrister at the Paris Bar

-Brice Nzamba, barrister at the Paris Bar

-Nadia Chonville, writer

-Brice Armien Boudré, co-president of Kap Caraïbe

-Jeanne-Marie Rugira, PhD, professor and researcher at UQAR

-David Andrew, writer, poet, human rights defender

-Jérémy Clamy-Edroux, former professional rugby player, engineer and lecturer

-Emma Onekekou, communications specialist, writer

-Agée Lomo, senior lecturer

Sabine CHYL, human rights activist

-Blaise Ndala, writer, lawyer


Collectif d’universitaires, politiques, écrivains, avocats d’origine africaine

Lettre ouverte à Bassirou Diomaye Faye

L’adoption récente de dispositions renforçant la pénalisation des personnes homosexuelles suscite une vive inquiétude. Un climat de peur, de haine et de violence s’est installé dans le pays. Est-ce vraiment cela, le « panafricanisme de gauche » ?

Monsieur le président,

Nous vous adressons cette lettre dans un esprit de fraternité et de dialogue. Elle est portée par des femmes et des hommes d’origine africaine, vivant sur le continent comme dans la diaspora, et profondément attachés à l’avenir du Sénégal et, au-delà, à celui du projet panafricain.

Lorsque vous êtes arrivé au pouvoir, votre élection a suscité un espoir considérable, bien au-delà des frontières du Sénégal et du continent. Beaucoup ont vu en vous l’incarnation d’un renouveau politique, celui d’une nouvelle génération, porteuse de valeurs de justice, de dignité et de souveraineté. Vous vous êtes présenté comme étant inspiré par un « panafricanisme de gauche », suscitant ainsi enthousiasme et attente parmi celles et ceux qui aspirent à une Afrique plus libre, plus juste et plus unie.

Malheureusement, pour ce qui nous concerne, cet espoir a été assombri ces dernières semaines.

L’adoption récente de dispositions renforçant la pénalisation des personnes homosexuelles, ainsi que le climat social qui en découle, suscitent une vive inquiétude. Les conséquences sont déjà visibles et dramatiques. Un jeune homme, perçu comme homosexuel – à tort ou à raison – a été poignardé en pleine rue. D’autres ont été battus, emprisonnés, ou rejetés par leur famille et leur communauté. D’autres encore cherchent maintenant à fuir leur propre pays, le pays qu’ils aimaient. Dans le même temps, des personnes vivant avec le VIH, y compris hétérosexuelles, n’osent plus se rendre dans les centres de santé pour se faire dépister ou soigner, par peur d’être stigmatisées et arrêtées, ce qui est arrivé plus d’une fois. Les associations qui accompagnaient les personnes les plus exposées ne peuvent plus le faire. Cette situation risque d’aggraver la propagation de l’épidémie et d’accroître la morbidité et mortalité au Sénégal.

Un climat de peur, de haine et de violence s’est installé dans le pays. Est-ce vraiment cela, le « panafricanisme de gauche » ?

Tel que nous le comprenons, le panafricanisme repose sur l’inclusion de tous les Africains, du continent comme de la diaspora. Il s’agit d’un projet d’unité, de solidarité et de dignité partagée. Quant au panafricanisme de gauche, selon nous, il entend a fortiori émanciper tous les Africains, et non enfermer en prison des adultes consentants qui ne nuisent à personne. Au demeurant, dans le monde, c’est plutôt à l’opposé du spectre politique, et notamment à l’extrême-droite, que se déploient les agendas discriminatoires, que ce soit contre les noirs, contre les femmes ou contre les personnes homosexuelles.

Le panafricanisme émancipateur qui est le nôtre a été incarné avec force par des figures historiques majeures. Nelson Mandela et Desmond Tutu, tous deux Prix Nobel de la paix, ont constamment lutté contre les discriminations liées à l’orientation sexuelle. Jesse Jackson, avec sa Rainbow Coalition, avait inclus les personnes gaies et lesbiennes dans son combat pour l’égalité. Angela Davis, quant à elle, a toujours défendu une vision intersectionnelle des luttes, articulant les combats contre le racisme, le sexisme, le capitalisme et les discriminations liées à l’orientation sexuelle.

Par ailleurs, plusieurs pays africains ont récemment évolué dans le sens d’une plus grande reconnaissance des droits : Botswana, Mozambique, Gabon, ou encore Angola ont dépénalisé l’homosexualité ces dernières années. Ces choix montrent qu’il existe, en Afrique même, des trajectoires diverses, et qu’aucune fatalité ne condamne le continent à la répression.

Nous tenons à le dire clairement : il ne s’agit pas ici de condamner le Sénégal, ni de nier sa souveraineté, qui doit être respectée. Mais le Sénégal est signataire de la Charte africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples et de la Charte des Nations unies, qui consacrent notamment le respect de la vie privée et le principe de non-discrimination. Dès lors, pourquoi le Sénégal refuse-t-il de respecter ses propres engagement africains et internationaux ?

Certains affirment que l’homosexualité serait étrangère à l’Afrique. Cette idée ne résiste pas à l’analyse. Tous les historiens et ethnologues africains le savent. Dans de nombreuses langues africaines, y compris en wolof, des termes existent depuis longtemps pour désigner des réalités liées à l’homosexualité, preuve qu’elle n’est ni nouvelle ni importée. Au Sénégal les goorjigeensavaient une place dans la société. Que vont-ils devenir ? En revanche, les lois qui les répriment sont, pour l’essentiel, héritées de la colonisation. Qu’il s’agisse des codes pénaux d’inspiration française ou des « sodomy laws » introduites par l’Empire britannique à l’époque de la Reine Victoria, ces dispositions ont été imposées de l’extérieur. Et les forces étrangères qui poussent le Sénégal à poursuivre les personnes homosexuelles et transgenre, et même à interdire tout débat serein sur la question, sont très diverses.

Quant à l’argument religieux, il appelle également à la prudence. Nous pensons que certains confondent la foi et la loi. La foi relève de la liberté individuelle la plus fondamentale, et doit être respectée. Mais la loi civile ne saurait être la simple transposition d’une doctrine religieuse. L’article premier de la constitution proclame que « la République du Sénégal est laïque, démocratique et sociale ». Le Sénégal est une démocratie, reconnue pour son pluralisme ; il n’a jamais été une théocratie, fondée sur la charia. Une telle évolution ferait peser des risques non seulement sur les minorités sexuelles, mais aussi sur les femmes, les non-musulmans, et, plus largement, sur toutes les libertés publiques.

L’islam sénégalais était un islam tolérant. Aujourd’hui, est-ce un islam intégriste qui est en train de s’imposer dans le pays ? L’image du Sénégal en est déjà affectée sur la scène internationale. Plusieurs études montrent que les discriminations portent atteinte au développement. Le Sénégal a besoin de tous ses enfants.

Aujourd’hui, dans certaines régions d’Afrique, on observe la montée de courants fondamentalistes et violents, dans différentes traditions religieuses. Ces mouvements fragilisent les sociétés et menacent l’unité africaine en diffusant des idéologies de haine, de division et d’exclusion.

Face à cela, il nous semble urgent de réaffirmer un autre chemin : celui du dialogue.

Nous faisons toutes et tous partie d’une même famille panafricaine. Et comme dans toute famille, des désaccords peuvent exister. Mais c’est par la palabre, sous le baobab ou ailleurs, que ces désaccords peuvent être discutés. C’est dans cet esprit que nous vous écrivons aujourd’hui.

Nous souhaitons inviter les autorités sénégalaises à ouvrir un dialogue respectueux et constructif sur ces questions. Mais en attendant, nous appelons à l’instauration d’un moratoire sur les arrestations et l’application des peines afin d’apaiser les tensions et de permettre une réflexion collective. Nous souhaitons aussi que la loi de mars 2010, relative au VIH-Sida, soit respectée, et notamment son article 12, car les tests doivent être effectués de façon libre et volontaire, et les résultats doivent rester confidentiels.

Monsieur le président, nous formons le vœu que le Sénégal, continue d’être un phare pour l’Afrique, non seulement par sa stabilité politique, mais aussi par son engagement en faveur de la dignité humaine.

Veuillez agréer, Monsieur le président, l’expression de notre haute considération et de notre attachement panafricain.

Signataires :

-Alice Nkom, avocate, membre du Forum Permanent de l’ONU pour les personnes d’ascendance africaine

-Doudou Diène, ancien rapporteur spécial de l’ONU pour les nouvelles formes de discrimination

-Victorin Lurel, sénateur de la Guadeloupe, ancien ministre

-Marcelin Nadeau, député de la Martinique

-Olivier Serva, député de la Guadeloupe

-Annah Bikouloulou, adjointe au maire de Paris, chargée de l’égalité, des droits humains et de la lutte contre les discriminations

-Nouriati Djambae, conseillère départementale des Bouches du Rhône

-Jean-Jacob Bicep, ancien député européen, membre de la commission des droits humains

-Dominique Sopo, président de SOS Racisme

-Achille Mbembé, philosophe

-Jean-Claude Barny, cinéaste

-Eva Doumbia, metteuse en scène, écrivaine

-Brian Scott Eagle, fondateur du musée Joséphine Baker,

-Matthieu Niango, essayiste, écrivain

-Brahim Naït-Balk, animateur radio, entraîneur de football

-Jo Amaranthe, co-fondateur de la Black Pride

-Fabrice Nguena, défenseur des droits humains, auteur

-Carlos Idibouo, défenseur des droits humains

-Félicité Esther Zeifman, avocate au Barreau de Paris

-Brice Nzamba, avocat au Barreau de Paris

-Nadia Chonville, écrivaine

-Brice Armien Boudré, co-président de Kap Caraïbe

-Jeanne-Marie Rugira, Ph.D professeure-chercheure à l’UQAR

-David Andrew, écrivain, poète, défenseur des droits humains

-Jérémy Clamy-Edroux, ex-joueur professionnel de rugby, ingénieur et conférencier

-Emma Onekekou, communicante, écrivaine

-Agée Lomo, maître de conférences

Sabine CHYL, activiste pour les droits humains

-Blaise Ndala, écrivain, juriste

Senegal: Legal and human rights concerns mount in LGBT and HIV Criminalisation cases

Relatives of the defendants denounce “a violation of the rights of the defense”

At the beginning of 2026, in the suburbs of Dakar (Pikine-Guédiawaye), a homosexual scandal shook Senegal. Known as the “Pope Cheick Diallo Case”, this file concerns alleged acts “unnatural acts, association of criminals, voluntary transmission of HIV/AIDS, and money laundering”. After searches that led to the seizure of condoms and lubricants, several people, whose cases of HIV positivity were detected, were taken into custody.

Three months after the outbreak of this case, the daily Les Echos maintains that “more than 90 people have been arrested to date, but to date, about fifteen defendants have not been heard on the merits”. Faced with this situation, relatives of the defendants denounce “a violation of the rights of the defense”.

The entourage of the suspects also denounces a violation of the presumption of innocence, with excerpts from the hearings that are constantly exposed on social networks and in the press. “In the search for evidence for the manifestation of the truth, justice tramples on the rules, according to them,” Les Echos always reports.

As a reminder, the Pape Cheick Diallo case (name of a famous TV host) allowed the arrest of several public figures. Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko, at the podium of the National Assembly, had also denounced the violation of the secrets of the investigation and called for the opening of a disciplinary investigation.

US: Arkansas’s outdated HIV laws fuel fear and deter people from getting tested and treated

Advocates call on Arkansas lawmakers to decriminalize HIV, fund treatment and prevention

As Arkansas tops another terrible list, this time as the state with the highest rate of HIV transmission, advocates are calling on Arkansas lawmakers to decriminalize the sexually transmitted disease and commit funding for prevention, treatment and education.

A coalition of people from community organizations including Central Arkansas Pride, Arkansas Rapps, Intransitive, Arkansas Black Gay Men’s Forum and Arkansas Queer Men United, along with several people living with undetectable HIV, gathered in the Old Supreme Court Room in the State Capitol before several Democratic state representatives on Monday.

Advocates argued that Arkansas’s HIV laws, which haven’t been updated since the 1980s, are outdated and create a culture of fear that prevents people from getting tested and treated for HIV. They asked lawmakers to commit $1.5 million from the state’s surplus of more than $367 million to HIV prevention, treatment and education.

Under Arkansas law, knowingly exposing another person to HIV is a Class A felony, punishable by up to 30 years in prison and a fine of up to $15,000. But critics like the Center for HIV Law and Policy say these woefully outdated laws are out of step with modern science, rooted in stigma and punish behavior that carries no or negligible risk of actually transmitting the disease.

With proper treatment, HIV can become undetectable in a person, meaning it can’t be transmitted to another person through sex, but Arkansas law doesn’t account for this.

“HIV criminalization laws like ours here in Arkansas are opposed by public health and national justice experts such as the National Alliance of State and Territorial AIDS Directors and the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers,” said Tian Estell, policy director of Intransitive. “We need to modernize and stop punishing people for having a virus.”

Tian added that “Black, transgender and non-binary individuals in the South are disproportionately impacted by HIV” due to other contributing factors like lack of housing, transportation and employment and limited or no access to healthcare.

“Discriminatory policies also generate and enhance stigma and fear, creating barriers to prevention and care,” Tian said. “Intransitive serves transgender people and migrants, and we’ve seen a rise in fear associated with HIV testing and disclosure of positive status”

HIV is a larger problem in Arkansas than in most states, and advocates argue our laws are only making it worse.

In 2019, the federal Health and Human Services Department started an initiative to end the HIV epidemic by 2030, identifying Arkansas as one of seven priority states where the burden of HIV is the highest.

“Arkansas continues to see new HIV diagnoses each year. In fact, Arkansas ranked number one in the highest increase of new HIV cases, seeing a roughly 67% spike since 2018,” said Raheem White, program director for Arkansas Rapps. “The burden does not fall equally. Black communities tend to carry a higher share of these diagnoses. Central Arkansas and parts of Northwest Arkansas show higher impact, while rural areas face a different challenge with fewer services and longer distances to care.”

Tommy Sproles, a community outreach organizer for Arkansas Rapps, said those numbers may not be representative of the full scope of cases in Arkansas, especially in rural areas.

“It’s a concern of ours that the numbers do not accurately reflect the real life experiences within those other parts of the state, such as the rural areas where we think that the numbers would be higher, but they’re going under-reported because of the lack of testing in those areas,” Sproles said. “As we’re talking about the data that we receive, what we’re basing our stuff on is the data that the Arkansas Department of Health actually receives, but that doesn’t even cover the full scope of everyone who is testing, if you’re not a clinic or a subcontractor for the Arkansas Department of Health, that data is not even being accumulated.”

Arkansas Rapps, for example, uses telehealth to connect people in Arkansas with testing, medication and preventative medicine like PrEP, which is up to 99% effective at preventing the transmission of HIV.

Advocates said criminalizing HIV and not funding its prevention costs Arkansas millions of dollars in both healthcare and incarceration.

“Pulaski County has the highest rate of HIV-criminalization arrests, with most other counties having only one or no arrests. This not only speaks to a disproportionate application of the law, but a significant waste of resources,” said Amber Kincade, a comprehensive prevention specialist with Engaging Arkansas Communities.

“According to data from the Arkansas Department of Corrections, from 2007 to 2023 the average sentence per count for the HIV-related convictions was 24 years. According to the fiscal year 25 Inmate Cost Report, the cost per incarcerated person a day was $74.46, which was a $4.03 increase from 2024. This means that a sentence of 24 years would cost the state roughly $652,272,” Kincade said. “The lifetime cost of treating HIV is estimated to be over $500,000. Therefore, for one case of a person living with HIV receiving such a sentencing, the cost will be over $1 million.”

Kincade added that Texas decriminalized HIV in 1994 and increased public health funding for prevention and testing.

“Texas has saved an estimated $500,000 in lifetime cost per case in HIV treatment,” Kincade said.

Sanjay Johnson, a man living with undetectable HIV, told lawmakers he was prosecuted in Pulaski County for knowingly transmitting HIV, despite the virus being undetectable in his system, in 2017.

“The language itself is damaging, because with that, people think that transmission actually occurred, which in my case was not the case. It never occurred at all,” Johnson said.

Johnson’s case lasted two years, and his lawyer got the charge reduced from a felony to aggravated assault with five years of probation. That’s despite Johnson’s medical records, which said he was undetectable, being shown in court, he said.

“You wonder why HIV is the only STD that someone can be charged for. Not gonorrhea, chlamydia, herpes, etc, etc. HIV is the only sexually transmitted disease that can be criminalized here,” Johnson said.

Senegal: Arrests threaten Senegal’s HIV response as patients avoid clinics

HIV patients in Senegal skip treatment, fearing arrest amid anti-LGBTQ crackdown

DAKAR, April 29 (Reuters) – Fewer patients are visiting some HIV treatment centres in Senegal amid a wave of arrests targeting LGBTQ people, according to health officials and government data seen by Reuters, threatening the country’s fight against the virus.

Last ​month, Senegal, where homosexuality is illegal, doubled the maximum prison term for same-sex sexual acts to 10 years and criminalised what it described as any efforts to promote it. The country also ‌increased the maximum fine to 10 million CFA francs ($18,000).

According to local human rights activists and media reports, 86 people have been arrested in a crackdown that began in early February, when President Bassirou Diomaye Faye’s government was preparing to introduce the new anti-LGBTQ law in parliament. That includes 18 arrested in a single raid on April 19 in Linguere, 300 km (186 miles) northeast of Dakar.

There have been two convictions under the new law.

Those arrested have been accused of “acts against nature” and, in some cases, deliberately giving ​HIV to others. The government did not provide the number of arrests.

Data from the Senegalese government’s National Council for the Fight Against AIDS (CNLS), made available to Reuters, suggests that patients are forgoing vital antiretroviral ​drugs, which both treat and suppress HIV, for fear of arrest or abuse.

A government spokesperson, police spokesperson and a lawmaker who backed the law did not respond ⁠to requests for comment.

In a first, some Senegalese media outlets have put arrested individuals at risk of stigmatisation and abuse by publishing their full names and HIV statuses, said Dr Safiatou Thiam, a former health minister and ​CNLS executive director.

“We certainly fear, and this has been confirmed, that this wave of arrests will have repercussions for our work,” she said, adding health workers are committed to upholding patient confidentiality and encouraging law enforcement to ​do the same.

Senegal is one of just four countries in West and Central Africa that has experienced a rise in new HIV infections in recent years, according to UNAIDS.

‘I DON’T DARE LEAVE THE HOUSE’

One queer Senegalese community health worker who previously distributed tests and HIV prevention tools in Dakar is now afraid to go outside.

“I don’t dare leave the house anymore, so I’m literally holed up inside. I double-lock all the doors and windows just to avoid being found,” they said, speaking on condition of anonymity ​for fear of reprisals.

“I’m afraid there will be more deaths related to HIV… people will be afraid to show or keep their medication. Some won’t even want to continue their treatment for fear of being seen ​or associated with it.”

Reuters reported last month that Senegalese proponents of the anti-LGBTQ bill discussed strategy with a U.S.-based “pro-family” group that calls homosexuality a public health threat.

PATIENTS CITE FEAR OF ARRESTS, HARASSMENT

CNLS conducted a survey of 22 HIV/AIDS treatment centres over three ‌days at the ⁠end of February, after warning the arrests could lead to a drop in HIV testing and treatment disruptions.

The responses showed that 1,803 patients visited in February, down from 2,425 in January – a drop of 25.6%.

Follow-up interviews by CNLS with more than 50 men who have sex with men (MSM) showed they were avoiding the sites because they feared being denounced, arrested or subject to verbal and physical harassment.

The findings, which have not been published, make clear the drop in patients is linked to the arrests, said Dr. Cheikh Bamba Dieye, head of the research unit at CNLS.

National HIV prevalence is 0.3% in Senegal, far lower than the continent’s worst hit countries, many in southern ​Africa. But new infections increased by 36% between 2010 ​and 2024, according to UNAIDS.

If a patient stops ⁠receiving treatment, the virus is more transmissible.

HIV in Senegal is concentrated in so-called key populations like MSM, where the prevalence is 27.6% according to government figures.

The World Health Organization has warned in recent years about re-emerging and new HIV epidemics among MSM and has urged governments to remove punitive laws, reduce discrimination and address homophobic violence.

UNAIDS ​said in response to Senegal’s new law: “Evidence shows that criminalization causes people to turn away from health services.”

The HIV/AIDS treatment sites surveyed by CNLS serve all HIV ​patients, but there are indications ⁠that some will be hit harder by treatment disruptions.

In an email dated February 23, the National Alliance Against AIDS (ANCS), an NGO working with key populations, informed partners it was “suspending interventions aimed at the groups most exposed to HIV/AIDS, in particular MSM and transgender people.”

The email, seen by Reuters, attributed the move to “the difficult working environment” created by the arrests.

The new law includes a provision stating that activities carried out by health organizations will not be considered illegal.

While some MSM ⁠have fled to ​other countries including Mauritania, Gambia and Ivory Coast, others remaining in Senegal have assumed a low profile.

“We’ve seen a lot of people ​lost to follow-up care in hospitals because they think, ‘as soon as I go to a hospital to pick up my medication, I’ll be labeled a homosexual’,” said the community health worker.

“I’m exhausted, emotionally and physically. It’s draining me, and I expect to be arrested at any ​moment – for helping my community access healthcare, for creating an organization that works for the well-being of LGBTQ people… and simply because I’m gay.”

Reporting by Robbie Corey-Boulet and Ngouda Dione; Writing by Robbie Corey-Boulet; Editing by Alexandra Hudson

Senegal: CCM Senegal condemns disclosure of HIV test results

Disclosure of HIV test results: The president of the CCM Senegal denounces a violation of the law

The president of the CCM Senegal (national coordination body of Senegal), Aïssatou Mbaye Ndiaye, spoke on the management of HIV and the recent controversy related to the disclosure of test results of people arrested in the homosexual case that is shaking the country.

In her statement, she first wanted to recall Senegal’s resilience in the face of health challenges. According to her, HIV cases associated with the phenomenon of homosexuality are an unexpected situation, but it should not obscure the overall reality of the fight against the disease. “HIV is a community health problem that encompasses several factors. This is just one point among many others, “she stressed, insisting on the existence of national strategies already put in place to contain the spread of the virus.

Addressing the sensitive issue of the disclosure of HIV test results, Aïssatou Mbaye Ndiaye was firm. She denounced a practice that she considers contrary to the law and fundamental principles of medicine. “Since the onset of HIV/AIDS, confidentiality has always been an absolute rule. The test and its results are medical confidentiality, “she recalled.

She specified that the legislation in force strictly protects the people concerned. “Any disclosure not authorized by the patient may be subject to legal proceedings. Even within the family circle, including between spouses, the result of a test cannot be communicated without the consent of the person concerned, “she said.

The president of the CCM Senegal thus wonders about the motivations that led to making certain results public, believing that this violates the fundamental rights of individuals.

In addition, Aissatou Mbaye Ndiaye mentioned the holding of a national workshop as part of the Dialogue Pays 2026. This initiative aims to consolidate, harmonize and validate the priorities identified throughout the territory since the beginning of April. According to her, the consultations made it possible to collect the concerns of communities and civil society regarding several major issues, including HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and climate-health interactions.

The objective of this workshop is to establish a clear list of priorities that will serve as a basis for future funding requests and improved support policies.

Sweden: People living with HIV will no longer have a duty to disclose their status to partners

People living with HIV may soon no longer have to disclose their status.

This is according to a new legislative proposal set to enter into force on 1 July 2027

“This is truly a long-awaited announcement,” says Felix König, Secretary General of RFSL.

The Government has put forward several proposals to strengthen infection control in Sweden.

Together with Social Affairs Minister Jakob Forssmed, investigator Jan Albert presented new perspectives on the duty to disclose HIV status at a press conference on Thursday morning (2nd April 2026).

“The risk lies with those who do not know they have HIV, not with those who are aware of their diagnosis. The duty to disclose is unique to Sweden and was controversial even when it was introduced 40 years ago.”

“Risks perpetuating stigma”

He believes that the duty to disclose HIV status during sex is not effective and should be abolished, whilst patients continue to be encouraged to be open. The focus should instead be on voluntary disclosure and personalised responsibility through advice and support, according to the proposal.

The proposal means that the duty to inform would be removed in its current form and could only be given as a general guideline – in practice, not in the context of sex.

– There is no longer any reason to retain a system that risks perpetuating stigma and may even hinder diagnosis. The aim of commissioning this inquiry was that the duty to inform should, if possible, be removed, and we now have the evidence to support this. HIV is today a treatable infection and should be managed like any other such condition, says the Minister for Social Affairs.

According to the inquiry, neighbouring countries do not have a duty to inform regarding HIV, yet still have an equally good situation when it comes to domestic transmission.

RFSL: Sweden has faced criticism

Felix König, Secretary General of RFSL, describes the announcement as long-awaited.

– RFSL has been working for over 40 years to reduce the vulnerability of people living with HIV in Sweden.

According to him, current regulations have contributed to discrimination and increased stigma for people living with HIV in Sweden.

– This is also something for which Sweden has faced criticism from UNAIDS and other organisations because we have retained this legislation. What we know is that this legislation contributes to stigma and does not reduce the spread of infection.

He goes on to say that research has progressed to the point where the risk of those being treated for HIV passing the disease on is very small.

– I also believe that we have become a more open society over time, where we can view issues with a little more nuance. Everyone wants us to be able to reduce the spread of HIV, but perhaps we could have discussed a little more how we achieve that. And we believe we do so through support, dialogue and openness – not criminalisation or punishment.

The recording of the press conference is available here
Clarification during Q&A

“The direction of this work is very, very clear… that there are no grounds for maintaining the duty to inform… That is absolutely the ambition.”“Removing the duty to inform does not risk increased transmission… it is not an effective tool to limit transmission.”

Summary
  • Sweden plans a major reform of its infectious disease law, shifting toward:
  • voluntary compliance
  • proportional measures
  • stronger legal safeguards
HIV-specific change (core point):The legal duty to disclose HIV status before sex will be removedIt may only be used exceptionally as an individual order (“förhållningsregel”)
  • In practice, it will no longer apply to sexual activity
Rationale: Effective treatment → no transmission risk (U=U)Transmission mainly occurs from undiagnosed individualsThe law is outdated and not evidence-based
  • It creates stigma and unnecessary intrusion into private life
  • Sweden is an outlier; neighbouring countries do not have such a law
  • Policy shift:Move from coercive legal duties → advice, support, and individual responsibility
  • Align law with modern HIV science and human rights principles