Senegal: Anti-LGBT crackdown threatens hard-won gains against HIV

Article translated from French with Deepl.com

The West African country, which has been swept up in a wave of homophobia following two criminal cases in early February, has just adopted draconian anti-LGBT laws. An oppressive atmosphere that threatens the fight against HIV.

“We can’t eat or sleep; we’re stressed, we’re exhausted. I stay at home, I shut myself away. I switch off the television, my phone, everything,” explains Momo*, a young man whose life has become a living hell in Dakar, the capital of Senegal. On Wednesday 11 March, parliament passed a law tightening penalties against homosexuals and any organisations supporting them. The measure raises fears of a setback in the fight against HIV in this country of 34 million people, where the disease spreads mainly within this community.

The law was passed unanimously – only three MPs abstained – and was accompanied by inflammatory speeches from elected representatives. “I am speaking to the international community. Homosexuals will no longer be able to breathe in this country. Homosexuals will no longer have freedom of expression in this country,” insisted MP Diaraye Bâ.

The maximum prison sentence for “unnatural acts” has been increased from five to ten years, and the fine can now reach 10 million CFA francs (the equivalent of 13,800 Swiss francs). The bill goes further and creates two new offences: advocating for, and funding, entities and activities aimed at promoting or glorifying homosexuality, bisexuality and transsexuality. The UN has strongly condemned the new law, and Amnesty International believes the existing penalties were sufficient, says the director of the local branch, Seydi Gassama: “Five years in Senegalese prisons is an extremely harsh sentence.”

A climate of persecution and denunciation

While the law is cause for concern, the wave of homophobia had already begun in early February when two criminal cases shocked public opinion in this country, 80% of whose population is Muslim. Twelve homosexuals were arrested for unnatural acts and criminal conspiracy, including several celebrities and, notably, the television presenter Pape Cheikh Diallo. From messages to photos, investigators are tracking down gay men in the ‘network’. For weeks, arrests have been mounting – now numbering around forty – and making the headlines, sometimes with the suspects’ names and HIV status. The police have claimed that several allegedly knowingly transmitted HIV. “The police don’t know what they’re doing. The person accused of deliberate transmission might have an undetectable viral load, so they can’t transmit HIV,” protests Momo, who points out that medical confidentiality and the secrecy of the investigation have been flouted here.

The Pierre Robert case, which broke at the same time, has further fuelled public hatred. The Frenchman is alleged to have recruited Senegalese gay men to initiate vulnerable young boys into sex, film them and force them into prostitution, with a stated intention of transmitting HIV. Fourteen people have been arrested between Dakar and Kaolack. And for Seydi Gassama, the conflation is inevitable: “In the eyes of public opinion, you cannot separate these situations: unnatural acts, paedophilia, and the deliberate transmission of HIV/AIDS.”

Consequently, gay men are going into hiding or fleeing to Gambia and Mauritania to escape what some describe as the worst homophobic crisis the country has ever experienced. Papi* is not gay, but he works regularly with them through the HIV testing and support association he set up in a provincial town in central Senegal, and for this he has received threats. He has moved away because he fears for his life.

Avoiding any association with homosexuality

“For all the HIV-positive people who were taking medication, lives are now being lost; they no longer even agree to come and collect it,” he confides. Some patients even return their boxes, for fear of being identified as homosexual. The threat to the fight against HIV is real, even though Senegal is seen as a model on the continent, with prevalence reduced to 0.3% of the population. The number of deaths has been falling steadily over the last twenty years, but new infections rose during the Covid pandemic, reaching 2,979 people in 2024.

Footfall at HIV-dedicated centres has fallen, but testing has increased as many internet users post their serological results online. In this climate of stigmatisation, lists of suspected homosexuals and presidents of HIV-related associations have been shared, notably by the Islamic NGO Jamra, which provided 600 names to the gendarmerie. Online influencers, such as Idy Missionnaire, go so far as to publish people’s phone numbers, addresses and photos. “A friend of mine who is president of an association in Saint-Louis saw the gendarmerie turn up at his home to arrest him, but he fled to Mauritania,” says Papi. “I’m not going to wait for the police to come and get me. They’re hunting us down one by one.” Many organisations have shut down their websites and telephone lines, with patients becoming threatening in their demands to be removed from the registers.

The public outcry is even worrying the government, and Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko has warned against the publication of serological status in the press. Seydi Gassama, who has also been targeted by an online smear campaign, nevertheless welcomes a clause in the law introducing the offence of slanderous denunciation, now punishable by two to three years’ imprisonment and a fine of up to 500,000 CFA francs (690 francs).

«Ils sont en train de nous traquer un à un»: au Sénégal, vivre caché après le durcissement de la loi anti-homosexuels

Le pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest, entré dans une vague homophobe après deux affaires criminelles début février, vient d’adopter des lois anti-LGBT draconiennes. Une atmosphère oppressive qui menace la lutte contre le VIH.

«On ne parvient pas à manger ou à dormir, on est stressés, on est fatigués. Moi, je reste à la maison, je m’enferme. J’éteins la télévision, mon téléphone, tout», détaille Momo*, un jeune homme dont la vie est devenue un calvaire à Dakar, la capitale du Sénégal. Le parlement vient de voter, mercredi 11 mars, une loi renforçant les sanctions contre les homosexuels mais aussi, contre toute organisation les soutenant. La mesure fait craindre un recul dans la lutte contre le VIH dans le pays de 34 millions d’habitants où la maladie se propage principalement dans cette communauté.

La loi est passée à l’unanimité – seuls trois parlementaires ne se sont pas prononcés – et s’est accompagnée de discours excessifs des élus. «Je parle à l’opinion internationale. Les homosexuels ne respireront plus dans ce pays. Les homosexuels n’auront plus la liberté d’expression dans ce pays», a martelé la députée Diaraye Bâ.

De 5 ans, la peine d’emprisonnement maximale pour «actes contre nature» est passée à 10 ans et l’amende peut maintenant atteindre 10 millions de francs CFA (l’équivalent de 13 800 francs suisses). Le texte va plus loin et crée deux nouveaux délits, celui d’apologie et celui de financement des entités et activités visant à promouvoir ou magnifier l’homosexualité, la bisexualité et la transsexualité. L’ONU a fortement dénoncé la nouvelle loi, et pour Amnesty International, les sanctions déjà en place étaient suffisantes, affirme le directeur de la section locale, Seydi Gassama: «Cinq ans dans les prisons sénégalaises, c’est une peine extrêmement sévère.»

Climat de traque et de délation

Si la loi inquiète, la vague d’homophobie avait déjà commencé début février lorsque deux affaires criminelles ont choqué l’opinion publique dans ce pays à 80% musulman. Douze personnes homosexuelles ont été interpellées pour actes contre nature et association de malfaiteurs, dont plusieurs célébrités et, notamment, l’animateur de télévision Pape Cheikh Diallo. De messages en photos, les enquêteurs traquent les homosexuels du «réseau». Depuis des semaines, les arrestations se multiplient, aujourd’hui une quarantaine, et font la une des journaux, parfois avec le nom et le statut sérologique des suspects. La police a affirmé que plusieurs auraient sciemment transmis le VIH. «La police ne maîtrise pas ce qu’ils sont en train de faire. La personne accusée de transmission volontaire, peut-être qu’elle a une charge virale indétectable donc elle ne peut pas transmettre le VIH», se révolte Momo qui souligne que le secret médical et le secret de l’enquête ont ici été bafoués.

L’affaire Pierre Robert, déclenchée au même moment, est venue attiser la haine populaire. Le Français aurait recruté des homosexuels sénégalais pour initier au sexe, filmer et prostituer de jeunes garçons vulnérables, avec une volonté affichée de transmettre le VIH. Quatorze personnes ont été arrêtées entre Dakar et Kaolack. Et pour Seydi Gassama, l’amalgame est inévitable: «Vous ne pouvez pas, aux yeux de l’opinion publique, dissocier les situations, les rapports contre nature, la pédophilie, la transmission volontaire du VIH/sida.»

Alors, les homosexuels se cachent ou s’exilent vers la Gambie et la Mauritanie pour échapper à la pire crise homophobe qu’a vécue le pays d’après certains. Papi* n’est pas homosexuel mais il travaille régulièrement auprès d’eux avec l’association de dépistage et de soutien aux malades du VIH qu’il a montée dans une ville secondaire du centre du Sénégal et pour ça, il a reçu des menaces. Il a déménagé car il craint pour sa vie.

Eviter tout lien avec l’homosexualité

«Pour toutes les personnes séropositives qui prenaient les médicaments, actuellement ce sont des pertes de vies, ils n’acceptent même plus de venir les récupérer», confie-t-il. Certains patients ramènent même leurs boîtes, par peur d’être identifiés comme homosexuels. La menace sur la lutte contre le VIH est réelle alors que le Sénégal fait figure de modèle sur le continent, la prévalence y est réduite à 0,3% de la population. Le nombre de décès est en baisse constante ces vingt dernières années mais les nouvelles infections sont remontées pendant le covid et atteignaient 2979 personnes en 2024.

L’affluence dans les centres dédiés au VIH a baissé mais les dépistages ont augmenté car de nombreux internautes affichent leurs résultats sérologiques. Dans ce climat de stigmatisation, des listes d’homosexuels présumés et de présidents d’association contre le VIH ont été partagées, notamment par l’ONG islamique Jamra qui a fourni 600 noms à la gendarmerie. Des influenceurs en ligne, comme Idy Missionnaire, vont jusqu’à donner les numéros, adresses et photos des personnes. «Un ami président d’une association à Saint-Louis a vu la gendarmerie débarquer chez lui pour l’arrêter mais il a fui en Mauritanie, raconte Papi. Je ne vais pas attendre que la police vienne me chercher. Ils sont en train de nous traquer un à un.» De nombreuses organisations ont fermé leurs sites web et leurs lignes téléphoniques, les patients se font menaçants pour être effacés des registres.

L’emballement populaire inquiète même le gouvernement, et le premier ministre Ousmane Sonko a mis en garde contre la publication des statuts sérologiques dans la presse. Seydi Gassama, lui aussi ciblé par une campagne de diffamation en ligne, salue néanmoins une clause de la loi qui introduit le délit de dénonciation calomnieuse, maintenant passible de 2 à 3 ans de prison et d’une amende jusqu’à 500 000 francs CFA (690 francs).

Senegal: Same-sex relations, now punishable by five to ten years in prison

Senegal passes law imposing harsher penalties for homosexuality in the name of combating Western influence

Translated with Deep. Scroll down for article in French.

Homophobia has reached such heights in Senegal that it has become a government priority. According to a bill passed on Wednesday, ‘unnatural acts’ will be punishable by prison terms ranging from five to ten years.

‘This is the first bill I have personally sponsored.’ On 24 February, to the applause of MPs, Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko took pride in personally initiating a bill to toughen penalties for homosexual relations in the country.

This bill was passed on Wednesday 11 March by the Senegalese National Assembly. The most symbolic measure in the new law is that it provides for ‘unnatural acts’ to be punished with five to ten years in prison, compared to one to five years currently. The maximum sentence will be imposed if the act was committed with a minor, according to the text. The law also provides for criminal penalties for the ‘promotion’ of homosexuality in Senegal.

In a country known for its tolerance in many respects, the repression of homosexuality has become a hot topic. The political calculations of the Sonko camp, which came to power in 2024 on a sovereignist platform, are in line with the concerns of a heated public opinion.

‘The Prime Minister is reacting to current events, which is normal,’ notes Thierno Alassane Sall, an opposition MP who did not vote in favour of the law – not out of concern for the rights of homosexuals, he explains, but because he considers the move to be demagogic. The elected representative refers to two group arrests carried out by the authorities in early February, which have been making headlines ever since. Fourteen people suspected of belonging to a paedophile ring with links to France and targeting young boys were arrested on 8 February. Some of the defendants are accused of knowingly transmitting HIV.

‘It’s a race to the bottom.’

A few days earlier, between 4 and 6 February, twelve other Senegalese nationals, including well-known figures such as a singer and a journalist, were arrested and accused of having homosexual relations. The HIV-positive status of some of the defendants was made public. Between the two cases, which are completely unrelated, confusion continues to reign on social media and in certain media outlets.

‘Confusion between paedophilia, homosexuality and the deliberate or accidental transmission of HIV has arisen and caused a great deal of fear and misunderstanding,’ regrets Dr Khoudia Sow, an anthropologist and specialist in the fight against AIDS. Since these two cases, arrests and attacks on people suspected of having homosexual relationships have been occurring at a steady pace. ‘These cases have led to a resurgence of mobilisation against homosexuality,’ acknowledges Thierno Alassane Sall.

Baba Dieng, a columnist in the Senegalese press, is one of the few public figures to be critical of the crackdown on homosexuality. ‘We can no longer discuss the subject calmly. It’s a race to the bottom,’ he laments. According to him, the prime minister is also acting under pressure from conservative lobbies, Jamra and And Samm Jikko Yi, which have been gaining influence since 2010 by making the fight against homosexuality their battle cry.

‘In recent weeks, even these organisations seem to have been overtaken. Online, voices are becoming even more radical. Everyone is putting forward their own proposals for homosexuals: life imprisonment, death, denial of burial…’, Baba Dieng points out.

‘These movements helped Ousmane Sonko and his party, the African Patriots of Senegal for Work, Ethics and Fraternity [Pastef], win the presidential election in 2024. It makes sense that he would make a gesture towards them,’ says Thierno Alassane Sall.

Playing the sovereignist rhetoric

Ousmane Sonko, who found allies among both progressive and conservative movements when he was in opposition, took advantage of the harsh criticism levelled by Jamra and And Samm Jikko Yi against the former regime of Macky Sall, accused of being lax towards homosexuality.

‘The law criminalising homosexuality will be one of the first I will push through,’ he promised in 2022.

The adoption of new legislation also comes at a complicated time for the government. Senegal is facing a worrying economic situation, with a budget deficit of nearly 14% of gross domestic product (GDP) and public sector debt estimated at 132% of GDP.

Many of the major promises in Pastef’s programme seem distant, such as the abandonment of the CFA franc. Tightening legislation on homosexuality allows the party to appear proactive at little cost, while continuing to play on sovereignist rhetoric.

Many Senegalese people perceive homosexuality as a Western phenomenon. Homophobic movements accuse foreign embassies and international NGOs of wanting to impose laws favourable to homosexuals.

In 2024, Ousmane Sonko himself seemed to make homosexuality a relatively important issue, emphasising that it is ‘not accepted, but tolerated’, but firmly pointing the finger at Western attempts to change Senegalese ways of ‘dealing with this reality’.

Punishing denunciations without proof

In the eyes of many Senegalese, by toughening the law on homosexuality, the Prime Minister, elected on the basis of a patriotic discourse fuelled by anti-colonialism, is standing up to the West and taking on the role of defender of values presented as Senegalese.

‘Ultimately, while homophobia activists in Senegal claim to be motivated by [Muslim] religiosity, the homophobic dynamic is highly political,’ says Baba Dieng.

On 24 February, the Prime Minister nevertheless denounced the public disclosure of people’s HIV status, which has become increasingly common on social media and in certain media outlets. While Jamra leader Mame Mactar Gueye has been threatening for several years to reveal a list of homosexuals he claims to have in his possession, the Prime Minister’s bill also plans to introduce penalties for unsubstantiated denunciations, which are rife on social media.

Ousmane Sonko also took care to emphasise the importance of continuing to allow health organisations to pursue their work against AIDS. ‘The Prime Minister wants to regain control of the issue. The hype is such that, here and there, even Pastef is accused of being close to the gay community,’ says one MP on condition of anonymity. As a result, some find the Prime Minister too timid and regret that his bill does not formally criminalise homosexuality, but merely emphasises its repression.

More than half of African countries prohibit and repress homosexuality. The death penalty is imposed in Uganda, Mauritania and Somalia. A dozen countries and territories impose penalties ranging from ten years’ imprisonment to life imprisonment, including Sudan, Kenya, Tanzania and Sierra Leone.

Le Sénégal adopte une loi réprimant plus sévèrement l’homosexualité au nom de la lutte contre l’influence occidentale

L’homophobie a atteint des sommets au Sénégal, au point de devenir une priorité gouvernementale. Selon un texte adopté mercredi, les « actes contre nature » seront punis de peines allant de cinq à dix ans de prison.

« C’est le premier projet de loi que je porte moi-même. » Le 24 février, sous les applaudissements des députés, le premier ministre sénégalais, Ousmane Sonko, s’enorgueillissait d’être personnellement à l’initiative d’un projet de loi durcissant les peines réprimant les relations homosexuelles dans le pays.

C’est ce texte qui a été adopté, mercredi 11 mars, par l’Assemblée nationale sénégalaise. Mesure la plus emblématique, la nouvelle loi prévoit de punir les « actes contre nature » de cinq à dix ans de prison, contre un à cinq ans actuellement. La peine maximale sera prononcée si l’acte a été commis avec un mineur, selon le texte. La loi prévoit également des sanctions pénales contre la « promotion » de l’homosexualité au Sénégal.

Dans un pays réputé tolérant à beaucoup d’égards, la répression de l’homosexualité s’est imposée comme un thème porteur. Les calculs politiques du camp Sonko, arrivé au pouvoir en 2024 sur un discours souverainiste, rejoignent les préoccupations d’une opinion publique chauffée à blanc.

« Le premier ministre réagit à l’actualité, ce qui est normal », remarque Thierno Alassane Sall, député de l’opposition, qui n’a lui-même pas voté en faveur de la loi – pas par souci de défense des droits des homosexuels, explique-t-il, mais parce qu’il considère que la démarche est démagogique. L’élu fait référence à deux arrestations groupées réalisées par les autorités au début du mois de février, qui défraient depuis la chronique. Quatorze personnes, suspectées d’appartenir à un réseau pédocriminel remontant jusqu’à la France et visant de jeunes garçons, ont été interpellés le 8 février. Certains prévenus sont accusés d’avoir transmis le VIH en connaissance de cause.

« C’est la course à la radicalité »

Quelques jours plus tôt, entre le 4 et le 6 février, douze autres Sénégalais, parmi lesquelles des personnalités, notamment un chanteur et un journaliste, avaient été arrêtées, accusées de leur côté d’avoir eu des relations homosexuelles. La séropositivité de certains des prévenus a été rendue publique. Entre les deux affaires, parfaitement indépendantes l’une de l’autre, l’amalgame est entretenu sur les réseaux sociaux et dans certains médias.

« Une confusion entre pédophilie, homosexualité et transmission volontaire ou involontaire du VIH est apparue et a suscité beaucoup de peur, d’incompréhensions », regrette la docteure et anthropologue Khoudia Sow, spécialiste de la lutte contre le sida. Depuis ces deux affaires, les arrestations, mais aussi les agressions de personnes soupçonnées d’entretenir des relations homosexuelles, s’enchaînent à un rythme soutenu. « Ces affaires ont entraîné un regain de la mobilisation contre l’homosexualité », reconnaît Thierno Alassane Sall.

Baba Dieng, chroniqueur dans la presse sénégalaise, est l’une des rares personnalités à se montrer critiques de la répression de l’homosexualité. « On ne peut plus discuter du sujet de manière apaisée. C’est la course à la radicalité », regrette-t-il. Selon lui, le premier ministre agit aussi sous la pression de lobbys conservateurs, Jamra et And Samm Jikko Yi, qui n’ont cessé de gagner en influence depuis 2010 en faisant de la lutte contre l’homosexualité leur cheval de bataille.

« Depuis quelques semaines, même ces organisations semblent dépassées. En ligne, des voix se font encore plus radicales. Chacun y va de sa proposition pour les homosexuels : enfermer à vie, tuer, priver de sépulture… », souligne Baba Dieng.

« Ces mouvements ont aidé Ousmane Sonko et son parti, les Patriotes africains du Sénégal pour le travail, l’éthique et la fraternité [Pastef], à remporter l’élection présidentielle en 2024. Il est logique qu’il fasse un geste envers eux », souligne Thierno Alassane Sall.

Jouer de la rhétorique souverainiste

Ousmane Sonko, qui a trouvé des alliés tant du côté de mouvements progressistes que conservateurs lorsqu’il était dans l’opposition, a profité des critiques très dures portées par Jamra et And Samm Jikko Yi contre l’ancien régime de Macky Sall, accusé d’être laxiste vis-à-vis de l’homosexualité. « La loi criminalisant l’homosexualité sera l’une des premières que je ferai voter », promettait-il ainsi en 2022.

L’adoption d’une nouvelle législation intervient aussi dans une période compliquée pour le pouvoir. Le Sénégal est confronté à une situation économique préoccupante, avec un déficit budgétaire de près de 14 % du produit intérieur brut (PIB) et une dette du secteur public estimée à 132 % du PIB.

Beaucoup des grandes promesses du programme du Pastef semblent lointaines, à l’instar de l’abandon du franc CFA. Le durcissement de la législation sur l’homosexualité permet au parti de se montrer volontariste à peu de frais, tout en continuant à jouer de la rhétorique souverainiste.

Beaucoup de Sénégalais perçoivent de fait l’homosexualité comme un phénomène occidental. Les mouvements homophobes accusent les ambassades étrangères et les ONG internationales de vouloir imposer des lois favorables aux personnes homosexuelles.

En 2024, Ousmane Sonko lui-même semblait faire de l’homosexualité un sujet d’importance relative, soulignant qu’elle n’est « pas acceptée, mais tolérée », mais pointait fermement du doigt les volontés occidentales de changer les manières sénégalaises de « gérer cette réalité ».

Punir les dénonciations sans preuve

Aux yeux de nombreux Sénégalais, en durcissant la loi sur l’homosexualité, le premier ministre, élu sur la base d’un discours patriotique nourri d’anticolonialisme, tient ainsi tête à l’Occident et endosse un rôle de défenseur de valeurs présentées comme sénégalaises. « Au final, si les militants de l’homophobie au Sénégal se prévalent de religiosité [musulmane], la dynamique homophobe est très politique », analyse Baba Dieng.

Le premier ministre a tout de même dénoncé, le 24 février, les divulgations publiques des statuts sérologiques de personnes, qui se sont multipliées sur les réseaux sociaux et dans certains médias. Alors que le leader de Jamra, Mame Mactar Gueye, menace depuis plusieurs années de dévoiler une liste d’homosexuels qu’il aurait en sa possession, le projet de loi du premier ministre prévoit aussi d’introduire des punitions pour les dénonciations sans preuve, qui vont bon train sur les réseaux sociaux.

Ousmane Sonko a aussi pris soin de souligner l’importance de continuer à permettre aux organisations de santé de poursuivre leur action contre le sida. « Le premier ministre veut reprendre la main sur le sujet. L’emballement est tel que, çà et là, même le Pastef est accusé de proximité avec la communauté gay », glisse un député sous couvert d’anonymat. Résultat : certains trouvent le premier ministre trop timoré et regrettent que son projet de loi ne criminalise pas l’homosexualité formellement, s’en tenant à accentuer sa répression.

Plus de la moitié des pays africains interdisent et répriment l’homosexualité. La peine de mort est encourue en Ouganda, en Mauritanie ou en Somalie. Une dizaine de pays et territoires prévoient des peines allant de dix ans de prison à la perpétuité, parmi lesquels le Soudan, le Kenya, la Tanzanie et la Sierra Leone.

Senegal: Rising homophobia drives patients away from HIV care and prevention services

Senegal’s LGBTQ+ community lives in fear as fight against AIDS faces setback

The country has regularly seen homophobic protest fueling assaults and public denunciations. Within this climate, organizations working to fight HIV worry that individuals will turn away from vital care and prevention services.

On February 20, Ousmane gathered a few belongings and fled his home. “Since then,” the Senegalese man said, speaking under a pseudonym, “I’ve been living in hiding, in a city I can’t name. I’m petrified. People in my neighborhood found out things about my life. They know I’m gay.” If word spreads, the man in his 30s went on, “I risk being beaten and arrested, or arrested and then beaten. I don’t see any solution other than leaving for another country as soon as I can.”

Denunciations, extortion and assaults: Over the past several weeks, people who are gay or who are suspected of being gay have faced a surge of hostility across Senegal, a country that has already been marked by regular homophobic mobilizations over the past decade.

Violence against LGBTQ+ people has escalated dramatically following the arrests in February of 14 suspected members of a pedocriminal ring targeting young boys; two days earlier, 12 men, including local media figures, were accused of homosexuality. The two cases are entirely unrelated.

Several media outlets, relying on evidence gathered by police, published the HIV status of some defendants in both cases, fueling “the conflation, already present at times in Senegal, between homosexuality and pedophilia, homosexuality and HIV positivity,” said Marane Kane, a French-Senegalese consultant and a specialist in gender issues based in France. “Since then, there has been a surge in reports of assaults, and people are living in hiding,” she stressed.

Calls for hatred

According to Free Sénégal, a support network for LGBTQ+ people, about 30 arrests have taken place since then in Dakar, Touba and Saint-Louis. “I’m afraid of everyone’s gaze. I feel like I could be denounced at any moment. I don’t eat, I don’t sleep,” explained a young man.

Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko responded to the media frenzy and, reiterating a promise made three years ago, announced on Tuesday, February 24, that he had submitted a bill to toughen sentences targeting “acts against nature” – a term that includes same-sex relations – raising the penalty to five to 10 years in prison, up from the current one to five years. The move was hailed by Mame Mactar Gueye, the influential leader of the Islamic NGO Jamra, which campaigns for the criminalization of homosexuality; his supporters, meanwhile, are demanding even harsher repression.

On TikTok and on Facebook, in videos viewed hundreds of thousands of times, influencers, including some based in Europe, have hurled condemnations at both ordinary citizens and public figures. The well-known actor Sanekh, star of the hit series Bété Bété, has been targeted. And Elimane Ndao, the Senegal correspondent for the French television channel France 24, has filed a complaint for similar reasons. To avoid being singled out, some people have even started posting proof of their HIV-negative status on social media.

Encouraged by these calls for hatred, assaults have multiplied, often taking the form of carefully planned ambushes. “He doesn’t want to talk to you, he’s too scared. I’ll tell his story for him,” said a Senegalese man living in France, describing a friend in Senegal. “He was chatting with a man on a dating app. They agreed to meet. It was a trap. He was threatened with a knife and had to hand over money to get away. Things like this happen all the time.”

The situation is alarming human rights advocates. “Gay people have become scapegoats for society. There’s the conflation with pedophilia, conspiracy theories painting them as Trojan horses for Western values, to the detriment of all local knowledge… Everything that goes wrong is blamed on them,” explained Kane. “Meanwhile, real issues like sexual violence against children are forgotten. People think they’ve done enough by cracking down on homosexuality.”

‘There’s nothing left to do but flee’

This pressure has organizations that work to fight AIDS worried that people will turn away from care and prevention services. Senegal has managed to keep HIV prevalence low (0.5% of the population in 2020). “We’re already seeing a drop in consultations. Many patients are skipping appointments, and the few who dare to come hide their identities,” said Safiatou Thiam, the executive secretary of the National Council for the Fight Against AIDS in Senegal.

After the disclosure of some citizens’ HIV status, panicked patients have asked health centers to erase their records. As for the network of community outreach workers serving at-risk populations, it has collapsed; outreach staff no longer dare ask about people’s health or try to promote prevention among a group facing such intense stigma.

In his address, Sonko insisted on the ban on sharing people’s health status. He also emphasized that the prison sentences in his bill for “promoting” so-called “acts against nature” – a provision targeting NGOs and advocacy groups that might defend the rights of gay people – should not prevent the health system from continuing its work on AIDS prevention. According to health professionals, they discreetly reached out to the government as soon as rumors emerged of a possible bill imposing harsher penalties for homosexuality.

“We can’t live in our country anymore. It’s too dangerous, there’s nothing left to do but flee,” said a young man in his 30s, his voice breaking with sobs, who spent all his savings to escape Senegal for Europe five months ago. “I can’t imagine a gay person seeking medical care in this climate.”

As for Gueye, he is showing no sign of ending his campaign. After thanking “all the TikTokers, valiant defenders of our cause,” he recently announced his intention to “tackle the scourge of lesbianism.”

Senegal: Right to defence tested in Senegal’s high-profile homosexuality and HIV criminalisation cases

The Senegalese bar facing the “file of shame”

The case involving defendants prosecuted in particular for “unnatural acts” and “voluntary transmission of HIV”, places Senegalese lawyers infant of an unprecedented ethical dilemma. According to Les Échos, while the file has nearly 40 defendants, only eight lawyers – mostly young colleagues – have agreed to constitute themselves.

According to the newspaper’s investigation, this unusual reluctance within the Senegalese bar, despite fees deemed attractive, is explained by a mixture of social pressure, religious considerations and fear of stigmatization.

Several black dresses, interviewed by the same source, recognize that the gaze of society is a major brake. One of the lawyers already constituted also confides, under anonymity:

“I don’t even want people to know that I’m in this case. It’s a very sensitive file. You hesitate several times before setting up and you even have to consult your loved ones before starting. ”

In a context where the lawyer is often assimilated to the cause he defends, some fear being labeled “the lawyer of goordjiguenes” (homosexuals) and seeing their personal image or that of their firm tainted. This apprehension is all the more strong for those who are considering a political career. As a young lawyer explains:

“There is something infamous that makes many lawyers not want their names to be associated with these facts. ”

Beyond social pressure, the religious dimension also weighs in the choices of certain councils. A lawyer anticipated to join the defense says bluntly:

“I can’t take this file. Never. When I myself read a passage from the Koran where God says it is the worst of abominations, I cannot accept. ”

For him, the proposed fees do not change his decision. He even adds:

“I don’t want this money to be used by my family. It’s money unfit for consumption. ”

In the face of these positions, other lawyers point out, however, that the right to the defence remains a fundamental principle. A dean of the bar, with more than thirty years of career, adopts a decisive position:

“Even the biggest criminal has the right to a lawyer. I took an oath to defend the widow and the orphan. If someone constitutes me and pays me accordingly, I defend him accordingly. It’s my job. ”

In the same vein, another council compares the role of the lawyer to that of a doctor:

“The lawyer defends a case, he does not defend a goordjiguène. It’s like the doctor who has a patient in his hands: he cannot refuse to treat him because of his status. ”

Some lawyers have also agreed to set up on principle, sometimes even without collecting fees. One of them explains:

“I constituted myself because I didn’t like some things that happened at the brigade that day. But I didn’t ask for any fees. ”

However, the daily interlocutor acknowledges the complexity of the file and the pressure of opinion:

“In Senegal, we are used to assimilating the lawyer to the cause he defends. “

US: Bill to remove HIV reference from Pennsylvania criminal law moves forward

HB632 Passed out of Committee!

The AIDS Law Project of Pennsylvania is proud to announce that a bill addressing HIV stigma has cleared the first hurdle to becoming law. Today the Pennsylvania House Judiciary Committee voted HB632 out of committee, moving it toward a full House vote, a Senate vote on companion bill SB647, and the Governor’s signature.

Along with coalition partners including PA HIV Justice Alliance, Positive Women’s Network, Girl U Can Do It Inc., Philadelphia FIGHT, Sero Project, and the Elizabeth Taylor AIDS Foundation, we are grateful to Rep. Ben Waxman for his vision to protect people living with HIV from stigma.

With thanks to Rep. Malcolm Kenyatta and Rep. Emily Kinkead for comments in support.

Pennsylvania is one of nine states that still punish people charged with prostitution more harshly if living with HIV. If the buyer, seller, or promoter has HIV, the prostitution charge is a felony, not a misdemeanor.

Pennsylvania’s HIV-related felony enhancement was enacted in 1995 and has never served an effective law-enforcement purpose. In more than 30 years since its enactment, it has rarely been charged, and no credible research links harsher penalties with a reduction in HIV transmission.

It is time for that to change by removing a relic that only stigmatizes people living with HIV and does nothing to protect public health.

We also appreciate the committee’s vote in support of HR393, designating Feb. 28, 2026 as “HIV is Not a Crime Awareness Day.”

It’s long past time to remove the only remaining reference to HIV in the Pennsylvania criminal code.

Pennsylvania is one of nine states that still punish people charged with prostitution more harshly if living with HIV. Prostitution is a misdemeanor in Pennsylvania, but if the buyer, seller, or promoter has HIV, they may be charged with a felony enhancement.

Misdemeanors carry lighter penalties, like fines, probation, or short jail time. Felonies are punished by longer prison sentences, fines, and other consequences like loss of voting rights or difficulty finding employment.

Pennsylvania’s HIV-related felony enhancement was enacted in 1995 and has never served an effective law enforcement purpose. In the 30 years since its enactment, it’s rarely been charged, and no credible research links harsher penalties with a reduction in HIV transmission.

Modernizing HIV laws is a popular bipartisan issue. Recent polling reveals that 88% of Pennsylvanians believe that people living with HIV should receive the health and treatment they need, rather than face criminal charges.

HB632 would remove the last reference to HIV in the criminal code.

Click here to sign on, support HB632, end HIV stigma.

Current Pennsylvania legislation

On February 20, 2025, Representative Waxman introduced HB632, and it was referred to the House Judiciary Committee. A Judiciary Committee hearing was convened on June 2, 2025. See below for more on the hearing.

On April 21, 2025, Senator Hughes introduced a companion bill SB647 and it was referred to the Senate Judiciary Committee. No further action has yet been taken on SB647.

These bills would remove the last reference to HIV in the criminal code and reduce the stigma fueling the HIV epidemic.

Join us for a Lunch & Learn on HB632 in Harrisburg on March 24, 2026. Click here for more Information.

How You Can Help

Join us for a Lunch & Learn on HB632 in Harrisburg on March 24, 2026
Sign on, support HB632, end stigma
Call your state representatives and share these talking points:
- Prostitution is a misdemeanor in Pennsylvania and most states — yet Pennsylvania is one of nine states that still punish people living with HIV more harshly than others charged with prostitution.
- Pennsylvania’s felony enhancement was enacted in 1995 and has never served an effective law enforcement purpose. In the 30 years since its enactment, it’s rarely been charged, and no credible research links harsher penalties for prostitution with a reduction in HIV transmission.
- Over time, the Pennsylvania legislature, like that of most other states, has modernized its criminal code by removing stigmatizing references to HIV. This modernization follows guidance from the American Medical Association, the American Bar Association, and other professional organizations, based on the facts of how HIV is transmitted.
- Recent polling reveals that 88% of Pennsylvanians believe that people living with HIV should receive the health and treatment they need, rather than face criminal charges.
- Only one reference to HIV in the Pennsylvania criminal code remains, and HB632 would remove it.
- Pennsylvania has laws to punish those who harm others. Punishing people solely because they are living with HIV reinforces stigma, discourages people from getting tested and treated, and fuels the epidemic.

History

The journey to remove the final reference to HIV in the Pennsylvania Criminal Code began in community conversations and evolved to the Pennsylvania legislature when in 2024, Senator Vincent Hughes and Representatives Ben Waxman and Malcolm Kenyatta introduced Senate and House bills respectively.

The bills were referred to the respective judiciary committee, but didn’t make it to a hearing before the session ended. The legislature recessed sine die, and bills that did not pass died.

Representative Waxman reintroduced the House bill, now HB632 on February 20, 2025 and Senator Hughes reintroduced a companion bill, now SB647 that was referred to the House Judiciary Committee. A Judiciary Committee hearing was convened on June 2, 2025. Testifiers (Andrea Johnson, Dr. Jay Kostman, Sean Strub, and Ronda Goldfein) spoke before the PA House Judiciary Committee on June 2, 2025 in support of HB632. You can watch a recording of the hearing here.

Kyrgyzstan: Proposal to introduce mandatory HIV testing for people getting married

Deputy of the Jogorku Kenesh Nurzhamal Torobekova proposed to introduce a mandatory medical examination for those getting married due to the increase in cases of HIV infection in Kyrgyzstan, the publication “Azattyk” reports.

According to the Republican Center for the Control of Viral Hepatitis and HIV, more than 15 thousand people with a positive status are officially registered in the country. In five years, the number of identified cases has increased 1.5 times – from 10 thousand in 2020, notes edition.

Most of the infected – 60% – are people of working age. Experts record a change in the ways of transmission of the virus: at the moment the sexual route dominates, while in the past decades the main factor was injecting drug use.

Particular attention is paid to migration processes. According to the department, as of mid-2025, about 31% of all new cases of infection occur in citizens returning from work from abroad. The main flow of migration from Kyrgyzstan is directed to the Russian Federation, where, according to various estimates, from 1 to 1.2 million people with HIV live. According to the Ministry of Social Development of the Kyrgyz Republic, there are officially more than 341 thousand Kyrgyz in Russia. Often, the infection is detected after the creation of a family, when a labor migrant, not knowing about his status or hiding it, infects his partner.

Torobekova’s initiative is based on the practice of neighboring countries – Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, where future spouses are obliged to be tested for HIV, syphilis and liver disease. In these states, which are also major suppliers of labor to the foreign market, inspections for newlyweds are carried out free of charge.

Senegal: National Assembly to examine new bill that increases penalties for same-sex relations

“We find ourselves in prison alongside criminals”, a bill provides for doubling the penalties against homosexuality

The National Assembly of Senegal must examine on Wednesday, March 11, a bill to toughen the repression of homosexuality, with penalties of up to ten years in prison. This initiative comes in a climate of tension marked by arrests and criticism from human rights organizations.

The deputies of the National Assembly of Senegal will meet in plenary session on Wednesday, March 11, 2026 to examine a bill aimed at strengthening sanctions against same-sex relations. According to a document from the single chamber of Parliament received by AFP, the text provides for doubling the penalties incurred, which could reach up to ten years in prison.

The bill was made public last month by Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko. In addition to the tightening of sentences for homosexual relations, it also plans to punish anyone who “apology” homosexuality with three to seven years in prison.

A wave of arrests in recent weeks

The parliamentary debate comes in a context of increased repression against people suspected of homosexuality. In early February, 12 men, including two local celebrities, were arrested and charged with “unnatural acts”, an expression used to refer to same-sex relationships.

According to the local press, this operation was followed by a series of almost daily arrests of at least 30 people. Some would have been identified as a result of complaints or searches of their phones.

In several cases, the media published the names of the arrested persons. A practice that led the Council for the Observance of the Rules of Ethics and Deontology in the Media (CORED) to remind editorial offices of the importance of respecting “human dignity” and the “privacy of individuals”.

On the spot, the gay community lives in fear. At RTL’s microphone, El Hadj confides that he no longer dares to leave his small apartment in Dakar except to go to work. “You wake up one fine day and you hear that we have caught five people, the next day you hear that we have caught two, that’s what happens. Because of your sexual orientation you are in danger, and that should not be the case in 2026”.

A feeling he shares with his friend now living in France, who was arrested in 2021 for homosexuality. “I’ve been in prison for three months, we don’t hurt anyone. We find ourselves in prison alongside criminals,” he said on RTL’s microphone.

A sensitive subject in a very religious country

Mostly Muslim and deeply religious, Senegal widely considers homosexuality as a deviance. In some recent cases, arrested people have also been accused of deliberately transmitting HIV, which has fueled virulent anti-homosexual rhetoric.

The tightening of legislation is also an old promise of the ruling camp, politically promising in the country. For several years, very influential religious associations have been calling for more severe criminalization of homosexuality, regularly calling on the authorities to strengthen sanctions.

US: HIV criminalisation laws expose Black Americans to disproportionate arrest and prosecution rates

“Look at who’s in political control”: How HIV disclosure laws are steeped in racial bias

HIV criminalization arose in an atmosphere of fearful ignorance, disproportionately harming Black men. But activists are fighting back.

Today, 32 states have laws that criminalize people living with HIV (PLWH). These laws expose PLWH to the risk of prosecution and incarceration for engaging in consensual sexual activity while not disclosing their status. Of those states, 28 enhance criminal penalties based on an individual’s knowledge of their HIV status. In many of these states, arrests and convictions due to HIV criminalization disproportionately impact Black populations, because HIV disproportionately impacts Black populations.

A new study of 16 states by the Williams Institute shows Black Americans are more likely than any other race to be arrested and convicted for HIV-related allegations, and were arrested for HIV-related crimes at higher rates than their overall share of the population. In 64% of the states analyzed, Black Americans faced higher rates of arrest than their share of PLWH in the state. In 75% of the states, Black Americans were convicted at higher rates than their share of PLWH in the state.

Legislation criminalizing the transmission of HIV started in the 1980s, in response to events largely fueled by fear that the AIDS epidemic — which at the time was perceived as gay men’s disease, and was originally called Gay Related Immunodeficiency Syndrome (GRID) — would spread to heterosexuals. In 1987, Ronald Reagan’s Presidential Commission on the HIV Epidemic recommended that states adopt HIV-specific laws in response to rising infection rates among gay men, based on the belief that existing assault laws were too lenient to serve as a deterrent.

In 1990, the Ryan White Comprehensive AIDS Resource Emergency (CARE) Act was enacted, providing funding to states on the condition that their criminal laws addressed intentional HIV exposure and transmission.

Subsequently, flurries of punitive legislation arose amid highly publicized, sensationalized cases involving young Black men, such as that of Nushawn Williams in the late 1990s. Accused of having sex with younger women while HIV-positive, Williams pleaded guilty to reckless endangerment and statutory rape and was sentenced to 12 years in prison. He remains imprisoned after serving his sentence because the New York attorney general initiated involuntary civil commitment proceedings against him just days before his release.

“Available research confirms what we knew back then — criminal laws do not reduce HIV transmission or the behavior that causes it,” says Catherine Hanssens, the founding executive director of The Center for HIV Law and Policy.

Robert Suttle, an HIV criminalization policy expert, tells LGBTQ Nation that these laws became more about control than prevention. “HIV criminalization became a proxy to control certain populations — queer people, sex workers — especially to stop people diagnosed with HIV from having sex,” says Sutter. “It’s never worked.”

Indeed, recent studies have found that HIV criminalization laws have “no detectable prevention effect.”

Not only do HIV criminalization laws, conceived at a time when an HIV diagnosis was essentially considered a death sentence, fail as preventative measures, but they also eliminate burdens of proof and intent to do harm, which are required under criminal law.

Most of these laws only require simple exposure with the failure to disclose HIV status. Most state laws don’t require evidence of transmission or intent to harm. Several target interactions in which spit and other bodily fluids come into contact with law enforcement, correctional employees, and first responders, criminalizing behavior that has no chance of transmitting HIV.

Again, these laws — which have stood for decades — reflect a time when little was known about how HIV was spread, and a diagnosis was considered fatal.

Black bodies on trial: The case of “Tiger Mandingo”

The case of Michael Johnson, also known by his screen name “Tiger Mandingo,” illustrates many of the problems with HIV-criminalization laws and how they intersect with the historic policing of Black Americans.

Johnson, a Black gay wrestler at Linwood University in St. Charles, Missouri, was arrested in 2013 for not disclosing his HIV-positive status to six former male sex partners, four of whom were white. At the time, Missouri’s law required PLWH to inform their partners of their status, regardless of safe-sex practices. The law did not require intent to transmit or actual transmission of HIV, but only that a person was aware of their status and unable to prove that they informed their partners before engaging in sex.

Johnson faced a stacked deck before his trial even started. Of the 51 potential jurors, only one was non-white. Half said they believed being gay was a choice, and two-thirds believed it was a sin. All were straight, HIV-negative, and believed that PLWH who do not disclose to their partners deserved to be prosecuted. The final jury consisted of four white men, seven white women, and one retired Black nurse. Most of the jurors appeared to be in their 50s or 60s.

Several discrepancies arose during Johnson’s trial. Johnson maintained that he disclosed his status and that all of his partners engaged in consensual sex without condoms. Each of his partners testified that they’d asked if he was “clean” or STD-free, and that he’d assured them that he was. This contradicted what they initially told police. But the jury never heard of these discrepancies, either because his defense attorney failed to raise them or because she was overruled when she did.

Telling people that they are a potential criminal based only on a diagnosed health condition is harmful, particularly to people who have been told for centuries that they are not worthy of equal treatment under the law based on race, sexual orientation, or gender identity.”

Catherine Hanssens, executive director of The Center for HIV Law and Policy.

One partner testified that Johnson had actually infected him, but told the police he’d told Johnson he was HIV-positive when he met him. No genetic evidence linked Johnson’s strain of HIV to the virus in the other men, suggesting that they may have contracted it from someone else.

The prosecution employed stereotypical tropes. Images of Johnson’s penis — from a sex video made with one of his partners — were shown to the nearly all-white, all heterosexual, HIV-negative jury, literally criminalizing his “contagious” Black body, and reducing him to his sex organ, described in graphic, lurid detail in police reports and on the witness stand as “very large” and “too tight” for condoms.

In 2015, the jury sentenced him to 30 years for transmitting HIV without disclosure to six former sexual partners, and 30.5 years for exposing four others without disclosure, for a total of 60.5 years — a longer sentence than many convicted of involuntary manslaughter. The judge ultimately reduced the sentence to 30 years.

However, Johnson served only a fraction of his sentence. His conviction was overturned in December 2016 due to egregious prosecutorial misconduct. Johnson accepted a plea deal and was released from prison on July 7, 2019.

In 2021, Missouri reformed its HIV-criminalization law, downgrading “reckless exposure” of someone to HIV from a Class B felony to a Class D felony. Moving away from the AIDS panic of the 1980s, the law applies to all “serious infections and communicable diseases,” instead of singling out HIV. Prosecutors must now prove someone “knowingly” exposed someone to HIV.

Policing Black bodies in a culture of fear

While HIV criminalization laws were originally targeted at gay men, they represent a small number of actual arrests.

“Based on the best data available, women of color who are sex workers and Black men targeted by police or those currently incarcerated make up most of the arrests and convictions,” Hanssen says.

Hanssen also describes how HIV criminalization laws don’t necessarily impact transmission, but may discourage vulnerable communities from accessing essential resources. “As I’ve suggested, laws based on myths and misconceptions surrounding HIV will perpetuate HIV stigma,” Hanssen said.

HIV-related stigma creates real obstacles for PLWH. The behaviors often associated with acquiring HIV — such as being gay or using intravenous drugs — are still stigmatized, and confirming or disclosing one’s HIV status is still widely perceived as socially dangerous. HIV-related stigma can discourage testing and prevention practices. Individuals may fear confirming their HIV status, let alone accessing education about transmission and prevention. HIV criminalization laws increase those fears.

“But look at who’s in political control — and who controls public health and the legal system. Those systems get off the hook by shifting blame to individuals. Instead of investing money into prevention, education, and awareness, they criminalize people.”

Robert Suttle, an HIV criminalization policy expert

“Telling a newly diagnosed person they will be prosecuted as a felon if they expose another person to HIV may not discourage them from having sex,” she said, “but it might discourage them from entering and staying in health care, particularly when medical mistrust is already so high among the vulnerable populations targeted by these laws.”

This is especially true for Black Americans, among whom medical mistrust may be a deeply rooted reaction to historical exploitation by incidents like the Tuskegee experiment and ongoing systemic racism.

Suttle explains how these laws cause particular harm to Black LGBTQ+ people by creating a culture of fear. “Is the public health system or legal system helping the people they claim to protect?” he asks, “The evidence shows they’re doing more harm than good.”

“For Black people — especially Black LGBTQ+ people — HIV isn’t just a medical condition,” he says. “It’s shaped by laws, policies, and institutions that operate from a culture of fear rather than science, and from control rather than care.”

Hanssen echoes Suttle, saying, “Telling people that they are a potential criminal based only on a diagnosed health condition is harmful, particularly to people who have been told for centuries that they are not worthy of equal treatment under the law based on race, sexual orientation, or gender identity.”

“There is now plenty of evidence demonstrating how HIV criminal laws increase stigma,” says Catherine Hanssens. “These laws create a uniquely harmful, un-American legal standard and produce felony penalties rooted in lack of knowledge about HIV transmission – that alone is enough to demand their repeal.”

Reforms vs. real change

Thanks to the work of state-based organizations like Free State Justice in Maryland, Equality California, and Washington State’s HIV Justice Network, so far, eight states have taken steps to reform their HIV criminalization laws, though not all have repealed them.

California and Washington State have made the biggest changes. Now, both states require proof that someone intended to transmit HIV or actually did so before they can be convicted. They have also removed most laws that made exposure to HIV or other diseases a crime, except in some cases involving sex offenders. Intentional transmission is now a misdemeanor in California, with a maximum sentence of six months, or in Washington State, 30 days.

By comparison:

North Carolina still connects criminal liability to viral load and engagement in care.
Iowa eliminated its sex offender registry requirement and tightened up intent requirements, but added “recklessness” as a standard for liability.
Virginia reformed its bill, but retains felony-level offenses.

Beyond reforms to state laws, Suttle suggests a paradigm shift away from focusing on individuals and toward the legal and justice systems is necessary for effective change.

“In an individualistic society, if HIV is happening, it’s treated like we [PLWH] caused it,” he says. “But no single individual can cause an epidemic. Instead of addressing external factors — poverty, lack of education, lack of access to healthcare — systems punish individuals. Those conditions are by design, not because people ‘created’ HIV.”

“But look at who’s in political control — and who controls public health and the legal system. Those systems get off the hook by shifting blame to individuals. Instead of investing money into prevention, education, and awareness, they criminalize people.”

“For Black LGBTQ communities, this is a matter of survival,” Suttle says. “HIV in America today isn’t simply defined by medicine. It’s defined by whether laws and institutions will catch up with science, provide equity, and understand the reality we’re living in.”

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Terrance Heath is a longtime LGBT equality activist, writer, and award winning blogger. He lives in Chevy Chase, Maryland, with his two sons.

Senegal: CNLS issues guidelines on medical confidentiality and HIV care in prisons

Medical records and HIV: The CNLS imposes a strict ban targeting the prison administration

Health management in places of deprivation of liberty in Senegal is undergoing a major overhaul. In response to human rights issues, the National Council for the Fight against AIDS (CNLS) has issued a strategic guidance note detailing care protocols. According to information reported by the newspaper Le Quotidien, this approach aims to establish clear rules regarding the monitoring of people living with the virus in prisons.

The central point of this directive concerns medical confidentiality. The Executive Secretariat of the CNLS prohibits the disclosure of prisoners’ HIV status. In practical terms, the medical records of prisoners living with HIV (Pvvih) must be kept separate from the records managed by the prison administration. These documents remain the sole responsibility of the medical staff assigned to the infirmary.

The CNLS text also includes a scientific clarification intended for the day-to-day management of detention. The document specifies that an inmate carrying the virus can live in the community and share the same cell as other inmates without any risk of transmission.

From a medical standpoint, the protocol applied is in line with international standards, guaranteeing inmates the same care as the general population. Consultations are carried out in health centres or specialised hospital services, under the supervision of the prison medical service. Our editorial team also notes that HIV testing in prison is not compulsory; it is offered with the prisoner’s free consent, after psychosocial support.

The system provides for a full medical assessment upon incarceration. If the new arrival is already undergoing antiretroviral treatment, contact is established with their treating physician to prevent any interruption in treatment, a known factor in virus resistance. This initial examination also makes it possible to identify other comorbidities such as diabetes, hypertension or substance use disorders.

To support the implementation of these guidelines, the CNLS is rolling out training and advocacy sessions in the field. These meetings are aimed directly at professionals working in prisons, including senior nurses, warders and directors of detention and correctional centres (MACs).

Medical records and HIV: The CNLS fixe une interdiction stricte ciblant l’administration pénitentiaire

La gestion de la santé dans les lieux de privation de liberté au Sénégal fait l’objet d’un recadrage précis. Face aux enjeux liés aux droits humains, le Conseil National de Lutte contre le Sida (Cnls) a diffusé une note d’orientation stratégique détaillant les protocoles de prise en charge. Selon les informations rapportées par le journal Le Quotidien, cette démarche vise à instaurer des règles claires concernant le suivi des personnes vivant avec le virus au sein des prisons.

Le point central de cette directive concerne le secret médical. Le Secrétariat exécutif du Cnls pose l’interdiction de divulguer le statut sérologique des détenus. Concrètement, le dossier médical d’un détenu vivant avec le VIH (Pvvih) doit être impérativement séparé des dossiers gérés par l’Administration pénitentiaire. Ce document reste sous la responsabilité exclusive du personnel soignant affecté à l’infirmerie.

Le texte du Cnls intègre également une mise au point scientifique destinée à la gestion quotidienne de la détention. Le document précise qu’un détenu porteur du virus peut vivre en communauté et partager la même cellule que les autres pensionnaires sans aucun risque de transmission.

Sur le plan médical, le protocole appliqué s’aligne sur les normes internationales, garantissant aux détenus les mêmes soins qu’à la population générale. Les consultations s’effectuent dans des centres de santé ou des services hospitaliers spécialisés, sous la supervision du service médical carcéral. Notre rédaction note également que le dépistage du VIH au sein de la prison n’est soumis à aucune obligation ; il est proposé avec le libre consentement du détenu, après un accompagnement psychosocial.

Le dispositif prévoit une évaluation médicale complète dès l’incarcération. Si le nouvel arrivant suit déjà un traitement antirétroviral, une liaison avec son médecin traitant est établie pour prévenir toute rupture thérapeutique, un facteur connu de résistance au virus. Cet examen initial permet dans le même temps d’identifier d’autres comorbidités telles que le diabète, l’hypertension ou les troubles liés à l’usage de substances.

Pour accompagner l’application de ces directives, le Cnls déploie des sessions de formation et de plaidoyer sur le terrain. Ces rencontres ciblent directement les professionnels intervenant en milieu carcéral, notamment les infirmiers major, les surveillants et les directeurs des Maisons d’arrêt et de correction (Mac).

Benin: UNAIDS welcomes Benin’s new, pioneering HIV legislation

Benin adopts positive new law on HIV prevention, care and elimination of stigma and discrimination

UNAIDS welcomes the passing into law by the President of Benin Patrice Talon of Law 2026-02 on 9 February 2026. The law focuses on HIV prevention and management of care and will accelerate progress towards ending AIDS in the Republic of Benin.

The new law is the culmination of a process first initiated in 2013 and which resumed in 2020 under the leadership of the Health Program for the Fight against AIDS (PSLS). This revision was made due to the significant limitations of the 2006 law, namely that it was based on a punitive, coercive and stigmatizing approach.

The previous law was incompatible with human rights standards, allowed for numerous violations of confidentiality, criminalized HIV-related behaviors and reinforced the marginalization of key populations. The law was out of step with good public health practices which should be based on prevention, inclusion and respect for human rights.

The 2026 law is now aligned with international human rights standards and more specifically reaffirms the right to non-stigma and non-discrimination. It enhances privacy and data protection, ensures access to HIV care and prevention and services and recognizes key populations including sex workers, men who have sex with men, people who inject drugs, transgender people, migrants and prisoners among others. It improves prisoners’ rights significantly and reduces criminal provisions against people living with HIV by recognizing the strictly voluntary nature of disclosing HIV status.

“The journey to validating Benin’s HIV Law was powered by strong country leadership, exceptional UNAIDS–UNDP collaboration, unwavering support from the UN Regional Coordinator, close technical follow-up with the Ministry of Health, catalytic funding from UNAIDS, UNDP and Expertise France, and close involvement of parliamentarians — turning evidence into political will and political will into transformative legislation’’ said Yayé Diallo, outgoing UNAIDS Country Director for Togo and Benin.

The progress is the result of coordinated advocacy and collaborative partnership actions at all levels involving the UNAIDS Executive Director Winnie Byanyima, who made it a priority of her visit to Benin in September 2024.

UNAIDS Regional Office, the global HIV Legal Network and UNDP provided technical support. The Global Fund and Expertise France provided financial support and the combination of the efforts of various stakeholders at the local level, namely the PSLS, the CNLS-TP(Conseil National de Lutte contre le VIH/Sida, la Tuberculose, le Paludisme, les Hépatites, les Infections Sexuellement Transmissibles et les Épidémie), the parliament and its institutions (IPaB – Institut Parlementaire du Bénin), the caucus of women parliamentarians and parliamentary committees), civil society organizations including networks of people living with HIV and key populations. With this new law and rigorous monitoring of its application, Benin is resolutely committed to its march towards the ending AIDS by 2030.

“UNAIDS, the UN Country Team, and partners including Expertise France applaud Benin’s political resolve and its new, pioneering HIV legislation. By centering the law on vulnerable groups and youth who account for 35% of new infections, Benin is taking a giant leap towards universal access to HIV treatment and the ultimate goal of ending AIDS as a public health threat by 2030.” said Christian Mouala, Representative and Director of the UNAIDS Multi-Country Office for Côte d’Ivoire, Togo, and Benin.